To conclude: Whatever some may think of the great advantages to trade by
this favourite scheme, I do very much apprehend, that in six months time
after the act is passed for the extirpation of the Gospel, the Bank, and
East-India Stock, may fall at least one _per cent._ And since that is
fifty times more than ever the wisdom of our age thought fit to venture
for the preservation of Christianity, there is no reason we should be at
so great a loss, merely for the sake of destroying it.

*****       *****       *****       *****




FOR THE

ADVANCEMENT OF RELIGION,

AND THE

REFORMATION OF MANNERS.

BY A PERSON OF QUALITY.


NOTE.

In placing this tract second in chronological order I am following
Forster and Craik. All the collected editions of Swift's works,
including the "Miscellanies" of 1711, begin with "The Sentiments of a
Church of England Man," continue with the "Argument," and then the
"Project." But the short intervals which separated the publication of
all three tracts and the "Letter on the Sacramental Test," make a strict
chronological order of less value than the order of development of the
subject-matter with which they deal, granting even that the "Project"
appeared after "The Sentiments." There seems, however, nothing
improbable in the suggestion made by Forster, that Swift planned the
writing of both the "Argument" and the "Project" while on a visit to the
Earl of Berkeley, at Cranford, in 1708; and his dedication of the latter
to Lady Berkeley lends this suggestion added weight. That the original
edition of the "Project" is dated 1709 is nothing to the point, since it
is well-known that the booksellers often antedated their publications,
as publishers do now, when the issue occurred towards the end of a year.
Moreover, the letter of the Earl of Berkeley to Swift, which Scott
misdates 1706-1707, but which should be 1708, makes special reference to
this very tract, showing that it was certainly published in 1708. "I
earnestly entreat you," writes the earl, "if you have not done it
already, that you would not fail of having your bookseller enable the
Archbishop of York [Dr. Sterne] to give a book to the queen; for, with
Mr. Nelson, I am entirely of opinion, that Her Majesty's reading of that
book on the Progress for the Increase of Morality and Piety, may be of
very great use to that end." I have never seen a copy of the first
edition of "The Sentiments," and I cannot fix the exact date of its
publication; but it was certainly not written before the "Project." The
"Project," therefore, must be considered in the light of a preliminary
essay to the fuller and more digested statement of "The Sentiments of a
Church of England man"; and I have, on this account, placed it as the
second tract written by Swift in the year 1708.

Whatever may be thought of the particular methods which Swift suggested
for realizing his reformatory scheme, and they were, no doubt,
artificial and wooden enough; the tract itself remains an excellent
survey of the evils and gross habits of the time. The methods may be
Utopian (Swift himself thought they were open to discussion), but the
spirit of sincerity and piety is unmistakable. It is worth remembering,
however, that several of the proposals, such as those for closing the
public-houses at twelve o'clock at night; the penalizing of publicans
who supplied drink to drunken customers; the building of churches, have
since been adopted.

I cannot agree with Mr. Churton Collins ("Jonathan Swift," pp. 59-61) in
suspecting Swift of a special policy of self-interest in writing the
"Project." Swift was too honest a man to use the religious sentiment for
the purpose of counteracting any bad impression his previous writings
had made on those who had the power to advance him. However much he
might delight in the possession of high worldly station, he would never
so prostitute himself to obtain it. Nor did he care to let the world
into the secret of his heart. Indeed, all his life Swift seemed to hide,
almost jealously, the genuine piety of his nature. Whatever suspicion of
policy has surrounded the tract must be ascribed to the well-intentioned
letter of the Earl of Berkeley above quoted; and the Earl would not have
written thus had he felt Swift's motive to be any other than a purely
impersonal one.

Steele, in his review of the "Project" in the fifth "Tatler" (April
20th, 1709), makes some interesting observations, and seems to take
special note of the "Person of Honour," in the character of which Swift
wrote it. Writing from Will's Coffee-House, Steele says: "This week
being sacred to holy things, and no public diversions allowed, there has
been taken notice of even here, a little Treatise, called 'A Project for
the Advancement of Religion: dedicated to the Countess of Berkeley.' The
title was so uncommon, and promised so peculiar a way of thinking, that
every man here has read it, and as many as have done so have approved
it. It is written with the spirit of one who has seen the world enough
to undervalue it with good breeding. The author must certainly be a man
of wisdom, as well as piety, and have spent as much time in the exercise
of both. The real causes of the decay of the interests of religion are
set forth in a clear and lively manner, without unseasonable passions;
and the whole air of the book, as to the language, the sentiments, and
the reasonableness, show it was written by one whose virtue sits easy
about him, and to whom vice is thoroughly contemptible. It was said by
one of this company, alluding to that knowledge of the world the author
seems to have, the man writes much like a gentleman, and goes to Heaven
with a very good mien."

In his "Apology" Steele refers to this "Tatler" note, and remarks: "The
gentleman I here intended was Dr. Swift, this kind of man I thought him
at that time. We have not met of late, but I hope he deserves this
character still."

The present text is based upon the first edition; but this edition was
so wretchedly printed that I have carefully collated it with those given
in the "Miscellanies" (1711), Faulkner (1735), and Hawkesworth (1762).

[T. S.]


  A
  PROJECT
  FOR THE
  ADVANCEMENT OF RELIGION,
  AND THE
  REFORMATION OF MANNERS.
  BY A PERSON OF QUALITY.


  _O quisquis volet impias
    Caedes, & rabiem tollere civicam:
  Si quaeret pater urbium
    Subscribi statuis, indomitam audeat
  Refraenare licentiam._

Hor.

_LONDON:_

Printed and Sold by _H. Hills_, in _Black-fryars_, near the Water-side.
For the Benefit of the Poor. 1709.


TO THE COUNTESS OF BERKELEY.[1]

MADAM,

My intention in prefixing your Ladyship's name, is not after the common
form, to desire your protection of the following papers; which I take to
be a very unreasonable request; since, by being inscribed to your
Ladyship, though without your knowledge, and from a concealed hand, you
cannot recommend them without some suspicion of partiality. My real
design is, I confess, the very same I have often detested in most
dedications; that of publishing your praises to the world. Not upon the
subject of your noble birth, for I know others as noble; or of the
greatness of your fortune, for I know others far greater; or of that
beautiful race (the images of their parents) which call you mother: for
even this may perhaps have been equalled in some other age or country.
Besides, none of these advantages do derive any accomplishments to the
owners, but serve at best only to adorn what they really possess. What I
intend, is your piety, truth, good sense, and good nature, affability,
and charity; wherein I wish your Ladyship had many equals, or any
superiors; and I wish I could say I knew them too, for then your
Ladyship might have had a chance to escape this address. In the
meantime, I think it highly necessary, for the interest of virtue and
religion, that the whole kingdom should be informed in some parts of
your character: For instance, that the easiest and politest
conversation, joined with the truest piety, may be observed in your
Ladyship, in as great perfection, as they were ever seen apart in any
other persons. That by your prudence and management under several
disadvantages, you have preserved the lustre of that most noble family
into which you are grafted, and which the immeasurable profusion of
ancestors for many generations had too much eclipsed. Then, how happily
you perform every office of life to which Providence has called you: In
the education of those two incomparable daughters, whose conduct is so
universally admired; in every duty of a prudent, complying, affectionate
wife; in that care which descends to the meanest of your domestics; and,
lastly, in that endless bounty to the poor, and discretion where to
distribute it. I insist on my opinion, that it is of importance for the
public to know this and a great deal more of your Ladyship; yet whoever
goes about to inform them, shall instead of finding credit, perhaps be
censured for a flatterer. To avoid so usual a reproach, I declare this
to be no dedication, but properly an introduction to a proposal for the
advancement of religion and morals, by tracing, however imperfectly,
some few lineaments in the character of a Lady, who hath spent all her
life in the practice and promotion of both.

[Footnote 1: This is the same Countess of Berkeley whom Swift hoaxed
with his "Meditation on a Broomstick." She was the daughter of Viscount
Campden and sister to the Earl of Gainsborough. [T.S.]]

Among all the schemes offered to the public in this projecting age, I
have observed with some displeasure, that there have never been any for
the improvement of religion and morals; which beside the piety of the
design from the consequence of such a reformation in a future life,
would be the best natural means for advancing the public felicity of the
state, as well as the present happiness of every individual. For, as
much as faith and morality are declined among us, I am altogether
confident, they might in a short time, and with no very great trouble,
be raised to as high a perfection as numbers are capable of receiving.
Indeed, the method is so easy and obvious, and some present
opportunities so good, that, in order to have this project reduced to
practice, there seems to want nothing more than to put those in mind,
who by their honour, duty, and interest, are chiefly concerned.

But because it is idle to propose remedies before we are assured of the
disease, or to be in pain,[2] till we are convinced of the danger; I
shall first shew in general, that the nation is extremely corrupted in
religion and morals; and then I will offer a short scheme for the
reformation of both.

[Footnote 2: Scott follows Faulkner in using the word "fear." The
reading in the text is that of the first edition, the "Miscellanies"
(1711), and of Hawkesworth. [T.S.]]

As to the first; I know it is reckoned but a form of speech, when
divines complain of the wickedness of the age: However, I believe, upon
a fair comparison with other times and countries, it would be found an
undoubted truth.

For, first; to deliver nothing but plain matter of fact without
exaggeration or satire; I suppose it will be granted, that hardly one in
a hundred among our people of quality or gentry, appears to act by any
principle of religion; that great numbers of them do entirely discard
it, and are ready to own their disbelief of all revelation in ordinary
discourse. Nor is the case much better among the vulgar, especially in
great towns where the profaneness and ignorance of handicraftsmen, small
traders, servants, and the like, are to a degree very hard to be
imagined greater. Then, it is observed abroad, that no race of mortals
hath so little sense of religion, as the English soldiers; to confirm
which, I have been often told by great officers in the army, that in the
whole compass of their acquaintance, they could not recollect three of
their profession, who seemed to regard or believe one syllable of the
Gospel: And the same, at least, may be affirmed of the fleet. The
consequences of all which upon the actions of men are equally manifest.
They never go about, as in former time, to hide or palliate their vices,
but expose them freely to view, like any other common occurrences of
life, without the least reproach from the world, or themselves. For
instance; any man will tell you he intends to be drunk this evening, or
was so last night, with as little ceremony or scruple, as he would tell
you the time of the day. He will let you know he is going to a whore, or
that he has got a clap, with as much indifferency, as he would a piece
of public news. He will swear, curse, or blaspheme, without the least
passion or provocation. And, though all regard for reputation is not
quite laid aside in the other sex, 'tis, however, at so low an ebb, that
very few among them seem to think virtue and conduct of absolute
necessity for preserving it. If this be not so, how comes it to pass,
that women of tainted reputations find the same countenance and
reception in all public places, with those of the nicest virtue, who
pay, and receive visits from them without any manner of scruple? which
proceeding, as it is not very old among us, so I take it to be of most
pernicious consequence: It looks like a sort of compounding between
virtue and vice, as if a woman were allowed to be vicious, provided she
be not a profligate; as if there were a certain point, where gallantry
ends, and infamy begins, or that a hundred criminal amours were not as
pardonable as half a score.

Besides those corruptions already mentioned, it would be endless to
enumerate such as arise from the excess of play or gaming: The cheats,
the quarrels, the oaths and blasphemies among the men; among the women,
the neglect of household affairs, the unlimited freedoms, the indecent
passion; and lastly, the known inlet to all lewdness, when after an ill
run, the person must answer the defects of the purse; the rule on such
occasions holding true in play as it does in law; _quod non habet in
crumena, luat in corpore._

But all these are trifles in comparison, if we step into other scenes,
and consider the fraud and cozenage of trading men and shopkeepers; that
insatiable gulf of injustice and oppression, the law. The open traffic
for all civil and military employments, (I wish it rested there) without
the least regard to merit or qualifications; the corrupt management of
men in office; the many detestable abuses in choosing those who
represent the people, with the management of interest and factions among
the representatives. To which I must be bold to add, the ignorance of
some of the lower clergy; the mean servile temper of others; the pert
pragmatical demeanour of several young stagers in divinity, upon their
first producing themselves into the world; with many other
circumstances, needless, or rather invidious, to mention; which falling
in with the corruptions already related, have, however unjustly, almost
rendered the whole order contemptible.

This is a short view of the general depravities among us, without
entering into particulars, which would be an endless labour. Now, as
universal and deep-rooted as these appear to be, I am utterly deceived,
if an effectual remedy might not be applied to most of them; neither am
I at present upon a wild speculative project, but such a one as may be
easily put in execution.

For, while the prerogative of giving all employments continues in the
Crown, either immediately, or by subordination; it is in the power of
the Prince to make piety and virtue become the fashion of the age, if,
at the same time, he would make them necessary qualifications for favour
and preferment.

It is clear, from present experience, that the bare example of the best
prince will not have any mighty influence, where the age is very
corrupt. For, when was there ever a better prince on the throne than the
present Queen? I do not talk of her talent for government, her love of
the people, or any other qualities that are purely regal; but her piety,
charity, temperance, conjugal love, and whatever other virtues do best
adorn a private life; wherein, without question or flattery, she hath no
superior: yet, neither will it be satire or peevish invective to affirm,
that infidelity and vice are not much diminished since her coming to the
crown, nor will, in all probability, till some more effectual remedies
be provided.

Thus human nature seems to lie under this disadvantage, that the example
alone of a vicious prince, will, in time, corrupt an age; but that of a
good one, will not be sufficient to reform it, without further
endeavours. Princes must therefore supply this defect by a vigorous
exercise of that authority, which the law has left them, by making it
every man's interest and honour, to cultivate religion and virtue; by
rendering vice a disgrace, and the certain ruin to preferment or
pretensions: All which they should first attempt in their own courts and
families. For instance; might not the Queen's domestics of the middle
and lower sort, be obliged, upon penalty of suspension, or loss of their
employments, to a constant weekly attendance, at least, on the service
of the church; to a decent behaviour in it; to receive the Sacrament
four times in the year; to avoid swearing and irreligious profane
discourses; and, to the appearance, at least, of temperance and
chastity? Might not the care of all this be committed to the strict
inspection of proper persons? Might not those of higher rank, and nearer
access to her Majesty's person, receive her own commands to the same
purpose, and be countenanced, or disfavoured, according as they obey?
Might not the Queen lay her injunctions on the Bishops, and other great
men of undoubted piety, to make diligent enquiry, to give her notice, if
any person about her should happen to be of libertine principles or
morals? Might not all those who enter upon any office in her Majesty's
family, be obliged to take an oath parallel with that against simony,
which is administered to the clergy? 'Tis not to be doubted, but that if
these, or the like proceedings, were duly observed, morality and
religion would soon become fashionable court virtues; and be taken up as
the only methods to get or keep employments there, which alone would
have mighty influence upon many of the nobility and principal gentry.

But, if the like methods were pursued as far as possible, with regard to
those who are in the great employments of state, it is hard to conceive
how general a reformation they might in time produce among us. For, if
piety and virtue were once reckoned qualifications necessary to
preferment; every man thus endowed, when put into great stations, would
readily imitate the Queen's example, in the distribution of all offices
in his disposal; especially if any apparent transgression, through
favour or partiality, would be imputed to him for a misdemeanour, by
which he must certainly forfeit his favour and station: And there being
such great numbers in employment, scattered through every town and
county in this kingdom; if all these were exemplary in the conduct of
their lives, things would soon take a new face, and religion receive a
mighty encouragement: Nor would the public weal be less advanced; since,
of nine offices in ten that are ill executed, the defect is not in
capacity or understanding, but in common honesty. I know no employment,
for which piety disqualifies any man; and if it did, I doubt the
objection would not be very seasonably offered at present; because, it
is perhaps too just a reflection, that in the disposal of places, the
question whether a person be _fit_ for what he is recommended to, is
generally the last that is thought on, or regarded.

I have often imagined, that something parallel to the office of censors
anciently in Rome, would be of mighty use among us, and could be easily
limited from running into any exorbitances. The Romans understood
liberty at least as well as we, were as jealous of it, and upon every
occasion as bold assertors. Yet I do not remember to have read any great
complaint of the abuses in that office among them; but many admirable
effects of it are left upon record. There are several pernicious vices
frequent and notorious among us, that escape or elude the punishment of
any law we have yet invented, or have had no law at all against them;
such as atheism, drunkenness, fraud, avarice, and several others; which,
by this institution, wisely regulated, might be much reformed. Suppose,
for instance, that itinerary commissioners were appointed to inspect
everywhere throughout the kingdom, into the conduct (at least) of men in
office, with respect to their morals and religion, as well as their
abilities; to receive the complaints and informations that should be
offered against them, and make their report here upon oath, to the
court, or the ministry, who should reward or punish accordingly. I avoid
entering into the particulars of this, or any other scheme, which,
coming from a private hand, might be liable to many defects, but would
soon be digested by the wisdom of the nation; and surely, six thousand
pounds a year would not be ill laid out among as many commissioners duly
qualified, who, in three divisions, should be personally obliged to take
their yearly circuits for that purpose.

But this is beside my present design, which was only to show what degree
of reformation is in the power of the Queen, without the interposition
of the legislature, and which her Majesty is, without question, obliged
in conscience to endeavour by her authority, as much as she does by her
practice.

It will be easily granted, that the example of this great town hath a
mighty influence over the whole kingdom; and it is as manifest, that the
town is equally influenced by the court, and the ministry, and those
who, by their employments, or their hopes, depend upon them. Now, if
under so excellent a princess as the present Queen, we would suppose a
family strictly regulated, as I have above proposed; a ministry, where
every single person was of distinguished piety; if we should suppose all
great offices of state and law filled after the same manner, and with
such as were equally diligent in choosing persons, who, in their several
subordinations, would be obliged to follow the examples of their
superiors, under the penalty of loss of favour and place; will not
everybody grant, that the empire of vice and irreligion would be soon
destroyed in this great metropolis, and receive a terrible blow through
the whole island, which hath so great an intercourse with it, and so
much affects to follow its fashions?

For, if religion were once understood to be the necessary step to favour
and preferment; can it be imagined that any man would openly offend
against it, who had the least regard for his reputation or his fortune?
There is no quality so contrary to any nature, which men cannot affect,
and put on upon occasions, in order to serve an interest, or gratify a
prevailing passion. The proudest man will personate humility, the
morosest learn to flatter, the laziest will be sedulous and active,
where he is in pursuit of what he has much at heart. How ready,
therefore, would most men be to step into the paths of virtue and piety,
if they infallibly led to favour and fortune!

If swearing and profaneness, scandalous and avowed lewdness, excessive
gaming and intemperance, were a little discountenanced in the army, I
cannot readily see what ill consequences could be apprehended; if
gentlemen of that profession were at least obliged to some external
decorum in their conduct; or even if a profligate life and character
were not a means of advancement, and the appearance of piety a most
infallible hindrance, it is impossible the corruptions there should be
so universal and exorbitant. I have been assured by several great
officers, that no troops abroad are so ill disciplined as the English;
which cannot well be otherwise, while the common soldiers have
perpetually before their eyes the vicious example of their leaders; and
it is hardly possible for those to commit any crime, whereof these are
not infinitely more guilty, and with less temptation.

It is commonly charged upon the gentlemen of the army, that the beastly
vice of drinking to excess, hath been lately, from their example,
restored among us; which for some years before was almost dropped in
England. But, whoever the introducers were, they have succeeded to a
miracle; many of the young nobility and gentry are already become great
proficients, and are under no manner of concern to hide their talent,
but are got beyond all sense of shame or fear of reproach.

This might soon be remedied, if the Queen would think fit to declare,
that no young person of quality whatsoever, who was notoriously addicted
to that, or any other vice, should be capable of her favour, or even
admitted into her presence, with positive command to her ministers, and
others in great office, to treat them in the same manner; after which,
all men, who had any regard for their reputation, or any prospect of
preferment, would avoid their commerce. This would quickly make that
vice so scandalous, that those who could not subdue, would at least
endeavour to disguise it.

By the like methods, a stop might be put to that ruinous practice of
deep gaming; and the reason why it prevails so much is, because a
treatment, directly opposite in every point, is made use of to promote
it; by which means, the laws enacted against this abuse are wholly
eluded.

It cannot be denied, that the want of strict discipline in the
universities, hath been of pernicious consequence to the youth of this
nation, who are there almost left entirely to their own management,
especially those among them of better quality and fortune; who, because
they are not under a necessity of making learning their maintenance, are
easily allowed to pass their time, and take their degrees, with little
or no improvement; than which there cannot well be a greater absurdity.
For, if no advancement of knowledge can be had from those places, the
time there spent is at best utterly lost, because every ornamental part
of education is better taught elsewhere: And as for keeping youths out
of harm's way, I doubt, where so many of them are got together, at full
liberty of doing what they please, it will not answer the end. But,
whatever abuses, corruptions, or deviations from statutes, have crept
into the universities through neglect, or length of time; they might in
a great degree be reformed, by strict injunctions from court (upon each
particular) to the visitors and heads of houses; besides the peculiar
authority the queen may have in several colleges, whereof her
predecessors were the founders. And among other regulations, it would be
very convenient to prevent the excess of drink, with that scurvy custom
among the lads, and parent of the former vice, the taking of tobacco,
where it is not absolutely necessary in point of health.

From the universities, the young nobility, and others of great fortunes,
are sent for early up to town, for fear of contracting any airs of
pedantry, by a college education. Many of the younger gentry retire to
the Inns of Court, where they are wholly left to their own discretion.
And the consequence of this remissness in education appears, by
observing that nine in ten of those, who rise in the church or the
court, the law, or the army, are younger brothers, or new men, whose
narrow fortunes have forced them upon industry and application.

As for the Inns of Court, unless we suppose them to be much degenerated,
they must needs be the worst instituted seminaries in any Christian
country; but whether they may be corrected without interposition of the
legislature, I have not skill enough to determine. However, it is
certain, that all wise nations have agreed in the necessity of a strict
education, which consisted, among other things, in the observance of
moral duties, especially justice, temperance, and chastity, as well as
the knowledge of arts, and bodily exercises: But all these among us are
laughed out of doors.

Without the least intention to offend the clergy, I cannot but think,
that through a mistaken notion and practice, they prevent themselves
from doing much service, which otherwise might lie in their power, to
religion and virtue: I mean, by affecting so much to converse with each
other, and caring so little to mingle with the laity. They have their
particular clubs, and particular coffee-houses, where they generally
appear in clusters: A single divine dares hardly shew his person among
numbers of fine gentlemen; or if he happens to fall into such company,
he is silent and suspicious, in continual apprehension that some pert
man of pleasure should break an unmannerly jest, and render him
ridiculous. Now, I take this behaviour of the clergy to be just as
reasonable, as if the physicians should agree to spend their time in
visiting one another, or their several apothecaries, and leave their
patients to shift for themselves. In my humble opinion, the clergy's
business lies entirely among the laity; neither is there, perhaps, a
more effectual way to forward the salvation of men's souls, than for
spiritual persons to make themselves as agreeable as they can, in the
conversations of the world; for which a learned education gives them
great advantage, if they would please to improve and apply it. It so
happens that the men of pleasure, who never go to church, nor use
themselves to read books of devotion, form their ideas of the clergy
from a few poor strollers they often observe in the streets, or sneaking
out of some person of quality's house, where they are hired by the lady
at ten shillings a month; while those of better figure and parts, do
seldom appear to correct these notions. And let some reasoners think
what they please, 'tis certain that men must be brought to esteem and
love the clergy, before they can be persuaded to be in love with
religion. No man values the best medicine, if administered by a
physician, whose person he hates or despises. If the clergy were as
forward to appear in all companies, as other gentlemen, and would a
little study the arts of conversation to make themselves agreeable, they
might be welcome at every party where there was the least regard for
politeness or good sense; and consequently prevent a thousand vicious or
profane discourses, as well as actions; neither would men of
understanding complain, that a clergyman was a constraint upon the
company, because they could not speak blasphemy, or obscene jests before
him. While the people are so jealous of the clergy's ambition, as to
abhor all thoughts of the return of ecclesiastic discipline among them,
I do not see any other method left for men of that function to take, in
order to reform the world, than by using all honest arts to make
themselves acceptable to the laity. This, no doubt, is part of that
wisdom of the serpent, which the Author of Christianity directs, and is
the very method used by St. Paul, who _became all things to all men, to
the Jews a Jew, and a Greek to the Greeks._

How to remedy these inconveniences, may be a matter of some difficulty;
since the clergy seem to be of an opinion, that this humour of
sequestering themselves is a part of their duty; nay, as I remember,
they have been told so by some of their bishops in their pastoral
letters, particularly by one[3] among them of great merit and
distinction, who yet, in his own practice, hath all his lifetime taken a
course directly contrary. But I am deceived, if an awkward shame and
fear of ill usage from the laity, have not a greater share in this
mistaken conduct, than their own inclinations: However, if the outward
profession of religion and virtue, were once in practice and countenance
at court, as well as among all men in office, or who have any hopes or
dependence for preferment, a good treatment of the clergy would be the
necessary consequence of such a reformation; and they would soon be wise
enough to see their own duty and interest in qualifying themselves for
lay-conversation, when once they were out of fear of being chocqued by
ribaldry or profaneness.

[Footnote 3: Bishop Burnet of Salisbury. See Swift's "Remarks on the
Bishop of Sarum's Introduction." [T.S.]]

There is one further circumstance upon this occasion, which I know not
whether it will be very orthodox to mention: The clergy are the only set
of men among us, who constantly wear a distinct habit from others; the
consequence of which (not in reason but in fact) is this, that as long
as any scandalous persons appear in that dress, it will continue in some
degree a general mark of contempt. Whoever happens to see a scoundrel in
a gown, reeling home at midnight, (a sight neither frequent nor
miraculous), is apt to entertain an ill idea of the whole order, and at
the same time to be extremely comforted in his own vices. Some remedy
might be put to this, if those straggling gentlemen, who come up to town
to seek their fortunes, were fairly dismissed to the West Indies, where
there is work enough, and where some better provision should be made for
them, than I doubt there is at present. Or, what if no person were
allowed to wear the habit, who had not some preferment in the church, or
at least some temporal fortune sufficient to keep him out of contempt?
Though, in my opinion, it were infinitely better, if all the clergy
(except the bishops) were permitted to appear like other men of the
graver sort, unless at those seasons when they are doing the business of
their function.

There is one abuse in this town, which wonderfully contributes to the
promotion of vice, that such men are often put into the commission of
the peace, whose interest it is, that virtue should be utterly banished
from among us, who maintain, or at least enrich themselves, by
encouraging the grossest immoralities, to whom all the bawds of the ward
pay contribution, for shelter and protection from the laws. Thus these
worthy magistrates, instead of lessening enormities, are the occasion of
just twice as much debauchery as there would be without them. For those
infamous women are forced upon doubling their work and industry, to
answer double charges, of paying the justice, and supporting themselves.
Like thieves who escape the gallows, and are let out to steal, in order
to discharge the gaoler's fees.

It is not to be questioned, but the Queen and ministry might easily
redress this abominable grievance, by enlarging the number of justices
of the peace, by endeavouring to choose men of virtuous principles, by
admitting none who have not considerable fortunes, perhaps, by receiving
into the number some of the most eminent clergy. Then, by forcing all of
them, upon severe penalties, to act when there is occasion, and not
permitting any who are offered to refuse the commission, but in these
two last cases, which are very material, I doubt there will be need of
the legislature.

The reformation of the stage is entirely in the power of the Queen, and
in the consequences it hath upon the minds of the younger people, does
very well deserve the strictest care. Besides the indecent and profane
passages, besides the perpetual turning into ridicule the very function
of the priesthood, with other irregularities, in most modern comedies,
which have by others been objected to them, it is worth observing the
distributive justice of the authors, which is constantly applied to the
punishment of virtue, and the reward of vice, directly opposite to the
rules of their best critics, as well as to the practice of dramatic
poets, in all other ages and countries. For example, a country squire,
who is represented with no other vice but that of being a clown, and
having the provincial accent upon his tongue, which is neither a fault,
nor in his power to remedy, must be condemned to marry a cast wench, or
a cracked chambermaid. On the other side, a rakehell of the town, whose
character is set off with no other accomplishment, but excessive
prodigality, profaneness, intemperance, and lust, is rewarded with a
lady of great fortune to repair his own, which his vices had almost
ruined. And as in a tragedy, the hero is represented to have obtained
many victories in order to raise his character in the minds of the
spectators; so the hero of a comedy is represented to have been
victorious in all his intrigues, for the same reason. I do not remember,
that our English poets ever suffered a criminal amour to succeed upon
the stage, till the reign of King Charles the Second. Ever since that
time, the alderman is made a cuckold, the deluded virgin is debauched,
and adultery and fornication are supposed to be committed behind the
scenes, as part of the action. These and many more corruptions of the
theatre, peculiar to our age and nation, need continue no longer, than
while the court is content to connive at or neglect them. Surely a
pension would not be ill employed on some men of wit, learning, and
virtue, who might have power to strike out every offensive or unbecoming
passage, from plays already written, as well as those that may be
offered to the stage for the future. By which, and other wise
regulations, the theatre might become a very innocent and useful
diversion, instead of being a scandal and reproach to our religion and
country.

The proposals I have hitherto made for the advancement of religion and
morality, are such as come within reach of the administration; such as a
pious active prince, with a steady resolution, might soon bring to
effect. Neither am I aware of any objections to be raised against what I
have advanced; unless it should be thought, that making religion a
necessary step to interest and favour might increase hypocrisy among us;
and I readily believe it would. But if one in twenty should be brought
over to true piety by this, or the like methods, and the other nineteen
be only hypocrites, the advantage would still be great. Besides,
hypocrisy is much more eligible than open infidelity and vice; it wears
the livery of religion; it acknowledges her authority, and is cautious
of giving scandal. Nay, a long continued disguise is too great a
constraint upon human nature, especially an English disposition; men
would leave off their vices out of mere weariness, rather than undergo
the toil and hazard, and perhaps expense, of practising them perpetually
in private. And I believe it is often with religion, as it is with love;
which, by much dissembling, at last grows real.

All other projects to this great end have proved hitherto ineffectual.
Laws against immorality have not been executed; and proclamations
occasionally issued out to enforce them are wholly unregarded as things
of form. Religious societies, though begun with excellent intention, and
by persons of true piety,[4] have dwindled into factious clubs, and
grown a trade to enrich little knavish informers of the meanest rank,
such as common constables, and broken shopkeepers.

[Footnote 4: The original edition omits here the words, "are said, I
know not whether truly or not." All other editions give these words. [T.
S.]]

And that some effectual attempt should be made toward such a
reformation, is perhaps more necessary than people commonly apprehend;
because the ruin of a state is generally preceded by a universal
degeneracy of manners, and contempt of religion; which is entirely our
case at present.

  "Dis te minorem quod geris imperas."--HOR. [5]

[Footnote 5: "Carmina," iii. 6. 5.]

Neither is this a matter to be deferred till a more convenient time of
peace and leisure: Because a reformation in men's faith and morals is
the best natural, as well as religious means, to bring the war to a good
conclusion. For, if men in trust performed their duty for conscience
sake, affairs would not suffer through fraud, falsehood, and neglect, as
they now perpetually do. And if they believed a God, and his Providence,
and acted accordingly, they might reasonably hope for his divine
assistance, in so just a cause as ours.

Nor could the majesty of the English Crown appear, upon any occasion, in
a greater lustre, either to foreigners or subjects, than by an
administration, which, producing such great effects, would discover so
much power. And power being the natural appetite of princes, a limited
monarch cannot so well gratify it in anything, as a strict execution of
the laws.

Besides; all parties would be obliged to close with so good a work as
this, for their own reputation: Neither is any expedient more likely to
unite them. For the most violent party men, I have ever observed, are
such, as in the conduct of their lives have discovered least sense of
religion or morality; and when all such are laid aside, at least those
among them as shall be found incorrigible, it will be a matter perhaps
of no great difficulty to reconcile the rest.

The many corruptions at present in every branch of business are almost
inconceivable. I have heard it computed by skilful persons, that of six
millions raised every year for the service of the public, one third, at
least, is sunk and intercepted through the several classes and
subordinations of artful men in office, before the remainder is applied
to the proper use. This is an accidental ill effect of our freedom. And
while such men are in trust, who have no check from within, nor any
views but toward their interest, there is no other fence against them,
but the certainty of being hanged upon the first discovery, by the
arbitrary will of an unlimited monarch, or his vizier. Among us, the
only danger to be apprehended is the loss of an employment; and that
danger is to be eluded a thousand ways. Besides, when fraud is great, it
furnishes weapons to defend itself: And at worst, if the crimes be so
flagrant, that a man is laid aside out of perfect shame, (which rarely
happens) he retires loaded with the spoils of the nation; _et fruitur
diis iratis_. I could name a commission, where several persons, out of a
salary of five hundred pounds, without other visible revenues, have
always lived at the rate of two thousand, and laid out forty or fifty
thousand upon purchases of lands or annuities. A hundred other instances
of the same kind might easily be produced. What remedy, therefore, can
be found against such grievances, in a constitution like ours, but to
bring religion into countenance, and encourage those, who, from the hope
of future reward, and dread of future punishment, will be moved to act
with justice and integrity?

This is not to be accomplished any other way, but by introducing
religion, as much as possible, to be the turn and fashion of the age;
which only lies in the power of the administration; the prince with
utmost strictness regulating the court, the ministry, and other persons
in great employment; and these, by their example and authority,
reforming all who have dependence on them.

It is certain, that a reformation successfully carried on in this great
town, would in time spread itself over the whole kingdom, since most of
the considerable youth pass here that season of their lives, wherein the
strongest impressions are made, in order to improve their education, or
advance their fortune, and those among them, who return into their
several counties, are sure to be followed and imitated, as the greatest
patterns of wit and good breeding.

And if things were once in this train, that is, if virtue and religion
were established as the necessary titles to reputation and preferment,
and if vice and infidelity were not only loaded with infamy, but made
the infallible ruin of all men's pretensions, our duty, by becoming our
interest, would take root in our natures, and mix with the very genius
of our people, so that it would not be easy for the example of one
wicked prince to bring us back to our former corruptions.

I have confined myself (as it is before observed) to those methods for
the advancement of piety, which are in the power of a prince, limited
like ours, by a strict execution of the laws already in force. And this
is enough for a project, that comes without any name or recommendation,
I doubt, a great deal more than will suddenly be reduced into practice.
Though, if any disposition should appear towards so good a work, it is
certain, that the assistance of the legislative power would be necessary
to make it more complete. I will instance only a few particulars.

In order to reform the vices of this town, which, as we have said, hath
so mighty an influence on the whole kingdom, it would be very
instrumental to have a law made, that all taverns and alehouses should
be obliged to dismiss their company at twelve at night, and shut up
their doors, and that no woman should be suffered to enter any tavern or
alehouse, upon any pretence whatsoever. It is easy to conceive what a
number of ill consequences such a law would prevent, the mischiefs of
quarrels, and lewdness, and thefts, and midnight brawls, the diseases of
intemperance and venery, and a thousand other evils needless to mention.
Nor would it be amiss, if the masters of those public-houses were
obliged, upon the severest penalties, to give only a proportioned
quantity of drink to every company, and when he found his guests
disordered with excess, to refuse them any more.

I believe there is hardly a nation in Christendom, where all kind of
fraud is practised in so immeasurable a degree as with us. The lawyer,
the tradesman, the mechanic, have found so many arts to deceive in their
several callings, that they far outgrow the common prudence of mankind,
which is in no sort able to fence against them. Neither could the
legislature in anything more consult the public good, than by providing
some effectual remedy against this evil, which, in several cases,
deserves greater punishment than many crimes that are capital among us.
The vintner, who, by mixing poison with his wines, destroys more lives
than any one disease in the bill of mortality; the lawyer, who persuades
you to a purchase which he knows is mortgaged for more than the worth,
to the ruin of you and your family; the goldsmith or scrivener, who
takes all your fortune to dispose of, when he has beforehand resolved to
break the following day, do surely deserve the gallows much better than
the wretch who is carried thither for stealing a horse.

It cannot easily be answered to God or man, why a law is not made for
limiting the press; at least so far as to prevent the publishing of such
pernicious books, as, under pretence of freethinking, endeavour to
overthrow those tenets in religion which have been held inviolable,
almost in all ages, by every sect that pretend to be Christian; and
cannot, therefore, with any colour of reason, be called points in
controversy, or matters of speculation, as some would pretend. The
Doctrine of the Trinity, the Divinity of Christ, the Immortality of the
Soul, and even the truth of all revelation, are daily exploded and
denied in books openly printed; though it is to be supposed neither
party will avow such principles, or own the supporting of them to be any
way necessary to their service.[6]

[Footnote 6: This passage refers to the deistical publications of
Asgill, Toland, Tindal, and Collins, already noted. [T. S.]]

It would be endless to set down every corruption or defect which
requires a remedy from the legislative power. Senates are like to have
little regard for any proposals that come from without doors; though,
under a due sense of my own inabilities, I am fully convinced, that the
unbiassed thoughts of an honest and wise man, employed on the good of
his country, may be better digested than the results of a multitude,
where faction and interest too often prevail; as a single guide may
direct the way better than five hundred, who have _contrary views_, or
_look asquint_, or _shut their eyes_.

I shall therefore mention but one more particular, which I think the
Parliament ought to take under consideration; whether it be not a shame
to our country, and a scandal to Christianity, that in many towns, where
there is a prodigious increase in the number of houses and inhabitants,
so little care should be taken for the building of churches, that five
parts in six of the people are absolutely hindered from hearing divine
service? Particularly here in London, where a single minister, with one
or two sorry curates, hath the care sometimes of above twenty thousand
souls incumbent on him. A neglect of religion so ignominious, in my
opinion, that it can hardly be equalled in any civilized age or
country.[7]

[Footnote 7: This paragraph is known to have given the first hint to
certain bishops, particularly to Bishop Atterbury, to procure a fund for
building fifty new churches in London. [T. S.]]

But, to leave these airy imaginations of introducing new laws for the
amendment of mankind; what I principally insist on is, a due execution
of the old, which lies wholly in the crown, and in the authority derived
from thence. I return, therefore, to my former assertion; that if
stations of power, trust, profit, and honour, were constantly made the
rewards of virtue and piety, such an administration must needs have a
mighty influence on the faith and morals of the whole kingdom: And men
of great abilities would then endeavour to excel in the duties of a
religious life, in order to qualify themselves for public service. I may
possibly be wrong in some of the means I prescribe towards this end; but
that is no material objection against the design itself. Let those who
are at the helm contrive it better, which, perhaps, they may easily do.
Everybody will agree that the disease is manifest, as well as dangerous;
that some remedy is necessary, and that none yet applied hath been
effectual, which is a sufficient excuse for any man who wishes well to
his country, to offer his thoughts, when he can have no other end in
view but the public good. The present Queen is a princess of as many and
great virtues as ever filled a throne: How would it brighten her
character to the present and after ages, if she would exert her utmost
authority to instil some share of those virtues into her people, which
they are too degenerate to learn only from her example! And, be it spoke
with all the veneration possible for so excellent a sovereign, her best
endeavours in this weighty affair are a most important part of her duty,
as well as of her interest and her honour.