[Footnote 9: Edward Stillingfleet (1635-1699), educated at Cambridge,
wrote in 1659 his "Irenicum, or Weapon Salve for the Church's Wounds."
He also published a "Rational Account of the Protestant Religion" in
1664. He occupied successively the important clerical offices of
Prebendary of St. Paul's, Archdeaconry of London, Deanery of St. Paul's,
and Bishopric of Worcester. The later years of his life were occupied in
a controversy with Locke on that writer's "Essay on the Human
Understanding." [T. S.]]

[Footnote 10: Page v, he quotes Bishop Stillingfleet's "Vindication of
the Doctrine of the Trinity," where the bishop says, that a man might be
very right in the belief of an article, though mistaken in the
explication of it. Upon which Tindal observes: "These men treat the
articles, as they do the oath of allegiance, which, they say, obliges
them not actually to assist the government, but to do nothing against
it; that is, nothing that would bring 'em to the gallows." [Note in
edition 1764, 4to.]]

But before he can attempt to ruin this damnable opinion of two
independent powers, he telleth us; page vi., "It will be necessary to
shew what is contained in the idea of government" Now, it is to be
understood, that this refined way of speaking was introduced by Mr.
Locke; after whom the author limpeth as fast as he is able. All the
former philosophers in the world, from the age of Socrates to ours,
would have ignorantly put the question, _Quid est imperium_? But now it
seemeth we must vary our phrase; and, since our modern improvement of
human understanding, instead of desiring a philosopher to describe or
define a mouse-trap, or tell me what it is; I must gravely ask, what is
contained in the idea of a mouse-trap? But then to observe how deeply
this new way of putting questions to a man's self, maketh him enter into
the nature of things; his present business is to show us, what is
contained in the idea of government. The company knoweth nothing of the
matter, and would gladly be instructed; which he doth in the following
words, p. 5.

"It would be in vain for one intelligent being to pretend to set rules
to the actions of another, if he had it not in his power to reward the
compliance with, or punish the deviations from, his rules by some good,
or evil, which is not the natural consequence of those actions; since
the forbidding men to do or forbear an action on the account of that
convenience or inconvenience which attendeth it, whether he who forbids
it will or no, can be no more than advice."

I shall not often draw such long quotations as this, which I could not
forbear to offer as a specimen of the propriety and perspicuity of this
author's style. And, indeed, what a light breaketh out upon us all, as
soon as we have read these words! How thoroughly are we instructed in
the whole nature of government? What mighty truths are here discovered;
and how clearly conveyed to our understandings? And therefore let us
melt this refined jargon into the old style for the improvement of such,
who are not enough conversant in the new.

If the author were one who used to talk like one of us, he would have
spoke in this manner: "I think it necessary to give a full and perfect
definition of government, such as will shew the nature and all the
properties of it; and my definition is thus: One man will never cure
another of stealing horses, merely by minding him of the pains he hath
taken, the cold he hath got, and the shoe-leather he hath lost in
stealing that horse; nay, to warn him, that the horse may kick or fling
him, or cost him more than he is worth in hay and oats, can be no more
than advice. For the gallows is not the natural effect of robbing on the
highway, as heat is of fire: and therefore, if you will govern a man,
you must find out some other way of punishment, than what he will
inflict upon himself."

Or, if this will not do, let us try it in another case (which I
instanced before) and in his own terms. Suppose he had thought it
necessary (and I think it was as much so as the other) to shew us what
is contained in the idea of a mousetrap, he must have proceeded in these
terms. "It would be in vain for an intelligent being, to set rules for
hindering a mouse from eating his cheese, unless he can inflict upon
that mouse some punishment, which, is not the natural consequence of
eating the cheese. For, to tell her, it may lie heavy on her stomach;
that she will grow too big to get back into her hole, and the like, can
be no more than advice: therefore, we must find out some way of
punishing her, which hath more inconveniences than she will ever suffer
by the mere eating of cheese." After this, who is so slow of
understanding, as not to have in his mind a full and complete idea of a
mouse-trap? Well.--The Free thinkers may talk what they please of
pedantry, and cant, and jargon of schoolmen, and insignificant terms in
the writings of the clergy, if ever the most perplexed and perplexing
follower of Aristotle from Scotus to Suarez[11] could be a match for
this author.

[Footnote 11: Duns Scotus flourished in the thirteenth century. He
studied at Oxford and Paris, and his learning and acumen in reasoning
earned for him the title _The Subtle Doctor_. He died at Cologne in
1308. He was a strong upholder of the doctrine of the Immaculate
Conception. His works are published in twelve volumes folio.

Francis Suarez (1548-1617) was a Spanish Jesuit who wrote a work by
command of the Pope against the English Reformation. He published some
very able religio-philosophical treatises, from the Roman Catholic point
of view; but, indeed, his writings altogether were enormous, so far as
their number are concerned. [T. S.]]

But the strength of his arguments is equal to the clearness of his
definitions. For, having most ignorantly divided government into three
parts, whereof the first contains the other two; he attempteth to prove
that the clergy possess none of these by a divine right. And he argueth
thus, p. vii. "As to a legislative power, if that belongs to the clergy
by a divine right, it must be when they are assembled in convocation:
but the 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19 is a bar to any such divine right, because
that act makes it no less than a _praemunire_ for them, so much so as to
meet without the king's writ, &c." So that the force of his argument
lieth here; if the clergy had a divine right, it is taken away by the
25th of Henry the Eighth. And as ridiculous as this argument is, the
preface and book are founded upon it.

Another argument against the legislative power in the clergy of England,
is, p. viii. that Tacitus telleth us; that in great affairs, the Germans
consulted the whole body of the people. "_De minoribus rebus principes
consultant, de majoribus omnes: Ita tamen, ut ea quoque, quorum penes
plebem arbitrium est, apud principes pertractentur."--Tacitus de Moribus
et Populis Germaniae_. Upon which Tindal observeth thus: "_De majoribus
omnes_, was a fundamental amongst our ancestors long before they arrived
in Great Britain, and matters of religion were ever reckoned among their
_majora_." (See Pref. p. viii. and ix.) Now it is plain, that our
ancestors, the Saxons, came from Germany: It is likewise plain, that
religion was always reckoned by the heathens among their _majora_: And
it is plain, the whole body of the people could not be the clergy, and
therefore, the clergy of England have no legislative power.

_Thirdly_, p. ix. They have no legislative power, because Mr.
Washington, in his "Observations on the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of
the Kings of England," sheweth, from "undeniable authorities, that in
the time of William the Conqueror, and several of his successors, there
were no laws enacted concerning religion, but by the great council of
the kingdom." I hope, likewise, Mr. Washington observeth that this great
council of the kingdom, as appeareth by undeniable authorities, was
sometimes entirely composed of bishops and clergy, and called the
parliament, and often consulted upon affairs of state, as well as
church, as it is agreed by twenty writers of three ages; and if Mr.
Washington says otherwise, he is an author just fit to be quoted by
beaux.

_Fourthly_,--But it is endless to pursue this matter any further; in
that, it is plain, the clergy have no divine right to make laws; because
Henry VIII, Edward VI, and Queen Elizabeth, with their parliaments will
not allow it them. Now, without examining what divine right the clergy
have, or how far it extendeth; is it any sort of proof that I have no
right, because a stronger power will not let me exercise it? Or doth
all, that this author says through his preface, or book itself, offer
any other sort of argument but this, or what he deduces the same way?

But his arguments and definitions are yet more supportable than the
grossness of historical remarks, which are scattered so plentifully in
his book, that it would be tedious to enumerate, or to shew the fraud
and ignorance of them. I beg the reader's leave to take notice of one
here just in my way; and, the rather, because I design for the future to
let hundreds of them pass without further notice. "When," says he, p. x.
"by the abolishing of the Pope's power, things were brought back to
their ancient channel, the parliament's right in making ecclesiastical
laws revived of course." What can possibly be meant by this "ancient
channel?" Why, the channel that things ran in before the Pope had any
power in England: that is to say, before Austin the monk converted
England, before which time, it seems, the parliament had a right to make
ecclesiastical laws. And what parliament could this be? Why, the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons met at Westminster.

I cannot here forbear reproving the folly and pedantry of some lawyers,
whose opinions this poor creature blindly followeth, and rendereth yet
more absurd by his comments. The knowledge of our constitution can be
only attained by consulting the earliest English histories, of which
those gentlemen seem utterly ignorant, further than a quotation or an
index. They would fain derive our government as now constituted, from
antiquity: And, because they have seen Tacitus quoted for his _majoribus
omnes_; and have read of the Goths' military institution in their
progresses and conquests, they presently dream of a parliament. Had
their reading reached so far, they might have deduced it much more
fairly from Aristotle and Polybius, who both distinctly name the
composition of _rex, seniores, et populus_; and the latter, as I
remember particularly, with the highest approbation. The princes, in the
Saxon Heptarchy, did indeed call their nobles sometimes together upon
weighty affairs, as most other princes of the world have done in all
ages. But they made war and peace, and raised money by their own
authority: They gave or mended laws by their charters, and they raised
armies by their tenures. Besides, some of those kingdoms fell in by
conquests, before England was reduced under one head, and therefore
could pretend no rights, but by the concessions of the conqueror.

Further, which is more material, upon the admission of Christianity,
great quantities of land were acquired by the clergy, so that the great
council of the nation was often entirely of churchmen, and ever a
considerable part. But, our present constitution is an artificial thing,
not fairly to be traced, in my opinion, beyond Henry I. Since which time
it hath in every age admitted several alterations; and differeth now as
much, even from what it was then, as almost any two species of
government described by Aristotle. And, it would be much more reasonable
to affirm, that the government of Rome continued the same under
Justinian, as it was in the time of Scipio, because the senate and
consuls still remained, although the power of both had been several
hundred years transferred to the emperors.


REMARKS ON THE PREFACE.[12]

[Footnote 12: References to Tindal's book, and remarks upon it, which
the author left thus indigested, being hints for himself to use in
answering the said book.]

Page iv, v. "If men of opposite sentiments can subscribe the same
articles, they are as much at liberty as if there were none." May not a
man subscribe the whole articles, because he differs from another in the
explication of one? How many oaths are prescribed, that men may differ
in the explication of some part of them? Instance, &c.

Page vi. "Idea of Government." A canting pedantic way, learned from
Locke; and how prettily he sheweth it. Instance--

Page vii, "25 Hen. VIII. c. 19 is a bar to any such divine right [of a
legislative power in the clergy.]" Absurd to argue against the clergy's
divine right, because of the statute of Henry VIII. How doth that
destroy divine right? The sottish way of arguing; from what the
parliament can do; from their power, &c.

Page viii. "If the parliament did not think they had a plenitude of
power in this matter, they would not have damned all the canons of
1640." What doth he mean? A grave divine could not answer all his
playhouse and Alsatia[13] cant, &c. He hath read Hudibras, and many
plays.

[Footnote 13: Or Whitefriars, then a place of asylum, and frequented by
sharpers, of whose gibberish there are several specimens in Shadwell's
comedy, "The Squire of Alsatia." [T. S.]]


_Ibid_. "If the parliament can annul ecclesiastical laws, they must be
able to make them." Distinguish, and shew the silliness, &c.

_Ibid_. All that he saith against the discipline, he might say the same
against the doctrine, nay, against the belief of a God, _viz_. That the
legislature might forbid it. The Church formeth and contriveth canons;
and the civil power, which is compulsive, confirms them.

Page ix. "There were no laws enacted but by the great council of the
kingdom." And that was very often, chiefly, only bishops.

_Ibid_. "Laws settled by parliament to punish the clergy." What laws
were those?

Page x. "The people are bound to no laws but of their own choosing." It
is fraudulent; for they may consent to what others choose, and so people
often do.

Page xiv. paragraph 6. "The clergy are not supposed to have any divine
legislature, because that must be superior to all worldly power; and
then the clergy might as well forbid the parliament to meet but when and
where they please, &c." No such consequence at all. They have a power
exclusive from all others. Ordained to act as clergy, but not govern in
civil affairs; nor act without leave of the civil power.

Page xxv. "The parliament suspected the love of power natural to
churchmen." Truly, so is the love of pudding, and most other things
desirable in this life; and in that they are like the laity, as in all
other things that are not good. And, therefore, they are held not in
esteem for what they are like in, but for their virtues. The true way to
abuse them with effect, is to tell us some faults of theirs, that other
men have not, or not so much of as they, &c. Might not any man speak
full as bad of senates, diets, and parliaments, as he can do about
councils; and as bad of princes, as he does of bishops?

Page xxxi. "They might as well have made Cardinals Campegi and de
Chinuchii, Bishops of Salisbury and Worcester, as have enacted that
their several sees and bishoprics were utterly void." No. The
legislature might determine who should not be a bishop there, but not
make a bishop.

_Ibid_. "Were not a great number deprived by parliament upon the
Restoration?" Does he mean presbyters? What signifies that?

_Ibid_. "Have they not trusted this power with our princes?" Why, aye.
But that argueth not right, but power. Have they not cut off a king's
head, &c. The Church must do the best they can, if not what they would.

Page xxxvi. "If tithes and first-fruits are paid to spiritual persons as
such, the king or queen is the most spiritual person, &c." As if the
first-fruits, &c. were paid to the king, as tithes to a spiritual
person.

Page xliii. "King Charles II. thought fit that the bishops in Scotland
should hold their bishoprics during will and pleasure; I do not find
that the High Church complained of this as an encroachment, &c." No; but
as a pernicious counsel of Lord Loch.[14]

[Footnote 14: Scott thinks this refers to Lord Lauderdale. [T.S.]]

Page xliv. "The common law judges have a power to determine, whether a
man has a legal right to the sacrament." They pretend it, but what we
complain of as most abominable hardship, &c.

Page xlv. "Giving men thus blindly to the devil, is an extraordinary
piece of complaisance to a lay chancellor." He is something in the
right; and therefore it is a pity there are any; and I hope the Church
will provide against it. But if the sentence be just, it is not the
person, but the contempt. And, if the author attacketh a man on the
highway, and taketh but twopence, he shall be sent to the gallows, more
terrible to him than the devil, for his contempt of the law, &c.
Therefore he need not complain of being sent to hell.

Page xliv. Mr. Leslie may carry things too far, as it is natural,
because the other extreme is so great. But what he says of the king's
losses, since the Church lands were given away, is too great a truth,
&c.

Page lxxvi. "To which I have nothing to plead, except the zeal I have
for the Church of England." You will see some pages further, what he
meaneth by the Church; but it is not fair not to begin with telling us
what is contained in the idea of a Church, &c.

Page lxxxiii. "They will not be angry with me for thinking better of the
Church than they do, &c." No, but they will differ from you; because the
worse the Queen is pleased, you think her better. I believe the Church
will not concern themselves much about your opinion of them, &c.

Page lxxxiv. "But the Popish, Eastern, Presbyterian and Jacobite clergy,
&c." This is like a general pardon, with such exceptions as make it
useless, if we compute it, &c.

Page lxxxvii. "Misapplying of the word church, &c." This is cavilling.
No doubt his project is for exempting the people: But that is not what
in common speech we usually mean by the Church. Besides, who doth not
know that distinction?

_Ibid_. "Constantly apply the same ideas to them." This is, in old
English, meaning the same thing.

Page lxxxix. "Demonstrates I could have no design but the promoting of
truth, &c." Yes, several designs, as money, spleen, atheism, &c. What?
will any man think truth was his design, and not money and malice? Doth
he expect the House will go into a committee for a bill to bring things
to his scheme, to confound everything, &c.

Some deny Tindal to be the author, and produce stories of his dulness
and stupidity. But what is there in all this book, that the dullest man
in England might not write, if he were angry and bold enough, and had no
regard to truth?

REMARKS UPON THE BOOK, &c.

Page 4. "Whether Lewis XIV. has such a power over Philip V?" He speaketh
here of the unlimited, uncontrollable authority of fathers. A very
foolish question; and his discourse hitherto, of government, weak and
trivial, and liable to objections.

_Ibid_. "Whom he is to consider not as his own, but the Almighty's
workmanship." A very likely consideration for the Ideas of the state of
nature. A very wrong deduction of paternal government; but that is
nothing to the dispute, &c.

Page 12. "And as such might justly be punished by every one in the state
of nature." False; he doth not seem to understand the state of nature,
although he hath borrowed it from Hobbes, &c.

Page 14. "Merely speculative points, and other indifferent things, &c."
And why are speculative opinions so insignificant? Do not men proceed in
their practice according to their speculations? So, if the author were a
chancellor and one of his speculations were, that the poorer the clergy
the better; would not that be of great use, if a cause came before him
of tithes or Church lands?

_Ibid_. "Which can only be known by examining whether men had any power
in the state of nature over their own, or others' actions in these
matters." No, that is a wrong method, unless where religion hath not
been revealed; in natural religion.

_Ibid_. "Nothing at first sight can be more obvious, than that in all
religious matters, none could make over the right of judging for
himself, since that would cause his religion to be absolutely at the
disposal of another." At his rate of arguing (I think I do not
misrepresent him, and I believe he will not deny the consequence) a man
may profess Heathenism, Mahometism, &c. and gain as many proselytes as
he can; and they may have their assemblies, and the magistrate ought to
protect them, provided they do not disturb the state: And they may enjoy
all secular preferments, be lords chancellors, judges, &c. But there are
some opinions in several religions, which, although they do not directly
make men rebel, yet lead to it. Instance some. Nay we might have temples
for idols, &c. A thousand such absurdities follow from his general
notions, and ill-digested schemes. And we see in the Old Testament, that
kings were reckoned good or ill, as they suffered or hindered
image-worship and idolatry, &c. which was limiting conscience.

Page 15. "Men may form what clubs, companies, or meetings they think
fit, &c, which the magistrate, as long as the public sustains no damage,
cannot hinder, &c." This is false; although the public sustain no
damage, they will forbid clubs, where they think danger may happen.

Page 16. "The magistrate is as much obliged to protect them in the way
they choose of worshipping Him, as in any other indifferent
matter."--Page 17. "The magistrate to treat all his subjects alike, how
much soever they differ from him or one another in these matters." This
shews, that although they be Turks, Jews, or Heathens, it is so. But we
are sure Christianity is the only true religion, &c. and therefore it
should be the magistrate's chief care to propagate it; and that God
should be worshipped in that that those who are the teachers think most
proper, &c.

Page 18. "So that persecution is the most comprehensive of all crimes,
&c." But he hath not told us what is concluded in the idea of
persecution. State it right.

_Ibid_. "But here it may be demanded, If a man's conscience make him do
such acts, &c." This doth not answer the above objection: For, if the
public be not disturbed with atheistical principles preached, nor
immoralities, all is well. So that still, men may be Jews, Turks, &c.

Page 22. "The same reason which obliges them to make statutes of
mortmain, and other laws, against the people's giving estates to the
clergy, will equally hold for their taking them away when given." A
great security for property! Will this hold to any other society in the
state, as merchants, &c. or only to ecclesiastics? A pretty project:
Forming general schemes requires a deeper head than this man's.

_Ibid_. "But the good of the society being the only reason of the
magistrate's having any power over men's properties, I cannot see why he
should deprive his subjects of any part thereof, for the maintenance of
such opinions as have no tendency that way, &c." Here is a paragraph
(_vide_ also _infra_) which has a great deal in it. The meaning is, that
no man ought to pay tithes, who doth not believe what the minister
preacheth. But how came they by this property? When they purchased the
land, they paid only for so much; and the tithes were exempted. It is an
older title than any man's estate is, and if it were taken away
to-morrow, it could not without a new law belong to the owners of the
other nine parts, any more than impropriations do.

_Ibid_. "For the maintenance of such opinions, as no ways contribute to
the public good," By such opinions as the public receive no advantage
by, he must mean Christianity.

Page 23. "Who by reason of such articles are divided into different
sects." A pretty cause of sects! &c.

Page 24. "So the same reason as often as it occurs, will oblige him to
leave that Church." This is an excuse for his turning Papist.

_Ibid_. "Unless you suppose churches like traps, easy to admit one; but
when once he is in, there he must always stick, either for the pleasure
or profit of the trap-setters." Remark his wit.

Page 29. "Nothing can be more absurd than maintaining there must be two
independent powers in the same society." This is abominably absurd; shew
it.

Page 33. "The whole hierarchy as built on it, must necessarily fall to
the ground, and great will be the fall of this spiritual Babylon." I
will do him justice, and take notice, when he is witty, &c.

Page 36. "For if there may be two such [independent powers] in every
society on earth, why may there not be more than one in heaven?" A
delicate consequence.

Page 37. "Without having the less, he could not have the greater, in
which that is contained." Sophistical; instance wherein.

Page 42. "Some since, subtler than the Jews, have managed commutations
more to their own advantage, by enriching themselves, and beggaring, if
Fame be not a liar, many an honest dissenter." It is fair to produce
witnesses, is she a liar or not? The report is almost impossible.
Commutations were contrived for roguish registers and proctors, and lay
chancellors, but not for the clergy.

Page 43. "Kings and people, who (as the Indians do the Devil) adored the
Pope out of fear." I am in doubt, whether I shall allow that for wit or
no, &c. Look you, in these cases, preface it thus: If one may use an old
saying.

Page 44. "One reason why the clergy make what they call schism, to be so
heinous a sin." There it is now; because he hath changed churches, he
ridiculeth schism; as Milton wrote for divorces, because he had an ill
wife. For ten pages on, we must give the true answer, that makes all
these arguments of no use.

Page 60. "It possibly will be said, I have all this while been doing
these gentlemen a great deal of wrong." To do him justice, he sets forth
the objections of his adversaries with great strength, and much to their
advantage. No doubt those are the very objections we would offer.

Page 68. "Their executioner." He is fond of this word in many places,
yet there is nothing in it further than it is the name for the hangman,
&c.

Page 69. "Since they exclude both from having anything in the ordering
of Church matters." Another part of his scheme: For by this the people
ought to execute ecclesiastical offices without distinction, for he
brings the other opinion as an absurd one.

Page 72, "They claim a judicial power, and, by virtue of it the
government of the Church, and thereby (pardon the expression) become
traitors both to God and man." Who doth he desire to pardon him? or is
this meant of the English clergy? So it seemeth. Doth he desire them to
pardon him? They do it as Christians. Doth he desire the government to
do it? But then how can they make examples? He says, the clergy do so,
&c. so he means all.

Page 74. "I would gladly know what they mean by giving the Holy Ghost."
Explain what is really meant by giving the Holy Ghost, like a king
empowering an ambassador.[15]

[Footnote 15: See Hooker's "Eccl. Pol.," book v. В§ 77.]

Page 76. "The Popish clergy make very bold with the Three Persons of the
Trinity." Why then, don't mix them, but we see whom this glanceth on
most. As to the _CongГ© d'Г‰lire_, and _Nolo episcopari_, not so absurd;
and, if omitted, why changed.

Page 78. "But not to digress"--Pray, doth he call scurrility upon the
clergy, a digression? The apology needless, &c.

_Ibid_. "A clergyman, it is said, is God's ambassador." But you know an
ambassador may have a secretary, &c.

_Ibid_. "Call their pulpit speeches, the word of God." That is a
mistake.

Page 79. "Such persons to represent Him." Are not they that own His
power, fitter to represent Him than others? Would the author be a fitter
person?

_Ibid_. "Puffed up with intolerable pride and insolence." Not at all;
for where is the pride to be employed by a prince, whom so few own, and
whose being is disputed by such as this author?

_Ibid_. "Perhaps from a poor servitor, &c. to be a prime minister in
God's kingdom." That is right. God taketh notice of the difference
between poor servitors, &c. Extremely foolish--shew it. The argument
lieth strongly against the apostles, poor fishermen; and St. Paul, a
tentmaker. So gross and idle!

Page 80. "The formality of laying hand over head on a man." A pun; but
an old one. I remember, when Swan[16] made that pun first, he was
severely checked for it.

[Footnote 16: Captain Swan was a celebrated low humorist and punster who
frequented Will's Coffee-house when it was the fashionable resort of men
of wit and pleasure. [T. S.]]

_Ibid_. "What more is required to give one a right, &c." Here shew, what
power is in the church, and what in the state to make priests.

Page 85. "To bring men into, and not turn them out of the ordinary way
of salvation." Yes; but as one rotten sheep doth mischief--and do you
think it reasonable, that such a one as this author, should converse
with Christians, and weak ones.

Page 86. See his fine account of spiritual punishment.

Page 87. "The clergy affirm, that if they had not the power to exclude
men from the Church, its unity could not be preserved." So to expel an
ill member from a college, would be to divide the college; as in
All-Souls, &c. Apply it to him.[17]

[Footnote 17: Tindal was a fellow of All Souls College. [T. S.]]

Page 88. "I cannot see but it is contrary to the rules of charity, to
exclude men from the Church, &c." All this turns upon the falsest
reasoning in the world. So, if a man be imprisoned for stealing a horse,
he is hindered from other duties: And, you might argue, that a man who
doth ill, ought to be more diligent in minding other duties, and not to
be debarred from them. It is for contumacy and rebellion against that
power in the church, which the law hath confirmed. So a man is outlawed
for a trifle, upon contumacy.

Page 92. "Obliging all by penal laws to receive the sacrament." This is
false.

Page 93. "The want of which means can only harden a man in his
impenitence." It is for his being hardened that he is excluded. Suppose
a son robbeth his father on the highway, and his father will not see him
till he restoreth the money and owneth his fault. It is hard to deny him
paying his duty in other things, &c. How absurd this!

Page 95. "And that only _they_ had a right to give it." Another part of
his scheme, that the people have a right to give the sacrament. See more
of it, pp. 135 and 137.

Page 96. "Made familiar to such practices by the heathen priests." Well;
and this shews the necessity of it for peace' sake. A silly objection of
this and other enemies to religion, to think to disgrace it by applying
heathenism, which only concerns the political part wherein they were as
wise as others, and might give rules. Instance in some, &c.

Page 98. "How differently from this do the great pretenders to primitive
practice act, &c." This is a remarkable passage. Doth he condemn or
allow this mysterious way? It seems the first--and therefore these words
are a little turned, but infallibly stood in the first draught as a
great argument for Popery.

Page 100. "They dress them up in a _sanbenito_." So, now we are to
answer for the inquisition. One thing is, that he makes the fathers
guilty of asserting most of the corruptions about the power of priests.

Page 104. "Some priests assume to themselves an arbitrary power of
excluding men from the Lord's Supper." His scheme; that any body may
administer the sacraments, women or children, &c.

Page 108. "One no more than another can be reckoned a priest." See his
scheme. Here he disgraces what the law enacts, about the manner of
consecrating, &c.

Page 118. "Churches serve to worse purposes than bear-gardens." This
from Hudibras.

Page 119. "In the time of that wise heathen Ammianus Marcellinus."[18]
Here he runs down all Christianity in general.

[Footnote 18: Ammianus Marcellinus (died _c_. 390) wrote a history of
Rome in thirty-one books, of which Gibbon thought rather highly. The
history may be taken as a continuation of Tacitus and Suetonius. [T.
S.]]

Page 120. "I shall, in the following part of my discourse, shew that
this doctrine is so far from serving the ends of religion, that, 1. It
prevents the spreading of the gospel, &c." This independent power in the
church is like the worms; being the cause of all diseases.

Page 124. "How easily could the Roman emperors have destroyed the
Church?" Just as if he had said; how easily could Herod kill Christ
whilst a child, &c.

Page 125. "The people were set against bishops by reason of their
tyranny." Wrong. For the bishops were no tyrants: Their power was
swallowed up by the Popes, and the people desired they should have more.
It were the regulars that tyrannized and formed priestcraft. He is
ignorant.

Page 139. "He is not bound by the laws of Christ to leave his friends in
order to be baptized, &c." This directly against the Gospel.--One would
think him an emissary, by his preaching schism.

Page 142. "Then will the communion of saints be practicable, to which
the principles of all parties, the occasional conformists only excepted,
stand in direct opposition, &c." So that all are wrong but they. The
Scripture is fully against schism. Tindal promoteth it and placeth in it
all the present and future happiness of man.

Page 144. All he has hitherto said on this matter, with a very little
turn, were arguments for Popery: For, it is certain, that religion had
share in very few wars for many hundred years before the Reformation,
because they were all of a mind. It is the ambition of rebels, preaching
upon the discontents of sectaries, that they are not supreme, which hath
caused wars for religion. He is mistaken altogether. His little narrow
understanding and want of learning.

Page 145. "Though some say the high-fliers' lives might serve for a very
good rule, if men would act quite contrary to them," Is he one of those
some? Beside the new turn of wit, &c. all the clergy in England come
under his notion of high-fliers, as he states it.

Page 147. "None of them (Churchmen) could be brought to acknowledge it
lawful upon any account whatever, to exclude the Duke of York." This
account false in fact.

_Ibid_. "And the body-politic, whether ecclesiastical or civil, must be
dealt with after the same manner, as the body-natural." What, because it
is called a body, and is a simile, must it hold in all circumstances?

Page 148. "We find all wise legislators have had regard to the tempers,
inclinations, and prejudices, &c." This paragraph false.--It was
directly contrary in several, as Lycurgus, &c.

Page 152. "All the skill of the prelatists is not able to discover the
least distinction between bishop and presbyter." Yet, God knows, this
hath been done many a time.

Page 158. "The Epistle to the Philippians is directed to the bishops and
deacons, I mean in due order after the people, _viz_, to the saints with
their bishops and deacons." I hope he would argue from another place,
that the people precede the king, because of these words: "Ye shall be
destroyed both you and your king."

Page 167. "The Pope and other great Church dons." I suppose, he meaneth
bishops: But I wish, he would explain himself, and not be so very witty
in the midst of an argument; it is like two mediums; not fair in
disputing.

Page 168. "Clemens Romanus blames the people not for assuming a power,
but for making a wrong use of it, &c." His great error all along is,
that he doth not distinguish between a power, and a liberty of
exercising that power, &c. I would appeal to any man, whether the clergy
have not too little power, since a book like this, that unsettleth
foundations and would destroy all, goes unpunished, &c.

Page 171. "By this or some such method the bishops obtained their power
over their fellow presbyters, and both over the people. The whole tenor
of the Gospel directly contrary to it." Then it is not an allowable
means: This carries it so far as to spoil his own system; it is a sin to
have bishops as we have them.

Page 172. "The preservation of peace and unity, and not any divine
right, was the reason of establishing a superiority of one of the
presbyters over the rest. Otherwise there would, as they say, have been
as many schismatics as Presbyters. No great compliment to the clergy of
those days." Why so? It is the natural effect of a worse independency,
which he keepeth such a clatter about; an independency of churches on
each other, which must naturally create schism.

Page 183. "How could the Christians have asserted the disinterestedness
of those who first preached the Gospel, particularly their having a
right to the tenth part." Yes, that would have passed easy enough; for
they could not imagine teachers could live on air; and their heathen
priests were much more unreasonable.

Page 184. "Men's suffering for such opinions is not sufficient to
support the weight of them." This is a glance against Christianity.
State the case of converting infidels; the converters are supposed few;
the bulk of the priests must be of the converted country. It is their
own people therefore they maintain. What project or end can a few
converters propose? they can leave no power to their families, &c. State
this, I say, at length, and give it a true turn. Princes give
corporations power to purchase lands.

Page 187. "That it became an easy prey to the barbarous nations."
Ignorance in Tindal. The empire long declined before Christianity was
introduced. This a wrong cause, if ever there was one.

Page 190, "It is the clergy's interest to have religion corrupted."
Quite the contrary; prove it. How is it the interest of the English
clergy to corrupt religion? The more justice and piety the people have,
the better it is for them; for that would prevent the penury of farmers,
and the oppression of exacting covetous landlords, &c. That which hath
corrupted religion, is the liberty unlimited of professing all opinions.
Do not lawyers render law intricate by their speculations, &c. And
physicians, &c.

Page 209. "The spirit and temper of the clergy, &c." What does this man
think the clergy are made of? Answer generally to what he says against
councils in the ten pages before. Suppose I should bring quotations in
their praise.

Page 211. "As the clergy, though few in comparison of the laity, were
the inventors of corruptions." His scheme is, that the fewer and poorer
the clergy the better, and the contrary among the laity. A noble
principle; and delicate consequences from it.

Page 207. "Men are not always condemned for the sake of opinions, but
opinions sometimes for the sake of men." And so, he hopes, that if his
opinions are condemned, people will think, it is a spite against him, as
having been always scandalous.

Page 210. "The meanest layman as good a judge as the greatest priest,
for the meanest man is as much interested in the truth of religion as
the greatest priest." As if one should say, the meanest sick man hath as
much interest in health as a physician, therefore is as good a judge of
physic as a physician, &c.

_Ibid_. "Had synods been composed of laymen, none of those corruptions
which tend to advance the interest of the clergy, &c." True, but the
part the laity had in reforming, was little more than plundering. He
should understand, that the nature of things is this, that the clergy
are made of men, and, without some encouragement, they will not have the
best, but the worst.

Page 215. "They who gave estates to, rather than they who took them
from, the clergy, were guilty of sacrilege." Then the people are the
Church, and the clergy not; another part of his scheme.

Page 219. "The clergy, as they subsisted by the alms of the people, &c."
This he would have still. Shew the folly of it. Not possible to shew any
civilized nation ever did it Who would be clergymen then? The absurdity
appears by putting the case, that none were to be statesmen, lawyers, or
physicians, but who were to subsist by alms.

Page 222. "These subtle clergymen work their designs, who lately cut out
such a tacking job for them, &c." He is mistaken--Everybody was for the
bill almost: though not for the tack. The Bishop of Sarum was for it, as
appears by his speech against it. But it seems, the tacking is owing to
metaphysical speculations. I wonder whether is most perplexed, this
author in his style, or the writings of our divines. In the judgment of
all people our divines have carried practical preaching and writing to
the greatest perfection it ever arrived to; which shews, that we may
affirm in general, our clergy is excellent, although this or that man be
faulty. As if an army be constantly victorious, regular, &c. we may say,
it is an excellent victorious army: But Tindal; to disparage it, would
say, such a serjeant ran away; such an ensign hid himself in a ditch;
nay, one colonel turned his back, therefore, it is a corrupt, cowardly
army, &c.

Page 224. "They were as apprehensive of the works of Aristotle, as some
men are of the works of a late philosopher, which, they are afraid, will
let too much light into the world." Yet just such, another; only a
commentator on Aristotle. People are likely to improve their
understanding much with Locke; It is not his "Human Understanding," but
other works that people dislike, although in that there are some
dangerous tenets, as that of [no] innate ideas.

Page 226. "Could they, like the popish priests, add to this a restraint
on the press, their business would be done." So it ought: For example,
to hinder his book, because it is written to justify the vices and
infidelity of the age. There can be no other design in it. For, is this
a way or manner to do good? Railing doth but provoke. The opinion of the
whole parliament is, the clergy are too poor.

_Ibid_. "When some nations could be no longer kept from prying into
learning, this miserable gibberish of the schools was contrived." We
have exploded schoolmen as much as he, and in some people's opinion too
much, since the liberty of embracing any opinion is allowed. They
following Aristotle, who is doubtless the greatest master of arguing in
the world: But it hath been a fashion of late years to explode
Aristotle, and therefore this man hath fallen into it like others, for
that reason, without understanding him. Aristotle's poetry, rhetoric,
and politics, are admirable, and therefore, it is likely, so are his
logics.

Page 230. "In these freer countries, as the clergy have less power, so
religion is better understood, and more useful and excellent discourses
are made on that subject, &c." Not generally. Holland not very famous,
Spain hath been, and France is. But it requireth more knowledge, than
his, to form general rules, which people strain (when ignorant) to false
deductions to make them out.

Page 232. Chap. VII. "That this hypothesis of an independent power in
any set of clergymen, makes all reformation unlawful, except where those
who have this power, do consent." The title of this chapter, A Truism.

Page 234. "If God has not placed mankind in respect to civil matters
under an absolute power, but has permitted them in every society to act
as they judge best for their own safety, &c." Bad parallels; bad
politics; want of due distinction between teaching and government. The
people may know when they are governed well, but not be wiser than their
instructors. Shew the difference.

_Ibid_. "If God has allowed the civil society these privileges can we
suppose He hath less kindness for His church, &c." Here they are
distinguished, then, here it makes for him. It is a sort of turn of
expression, which is scarce with him, and he contradicts himself to
follow it.

Page 235. "This cursed hypothesis had, perhaps, never been thought on
with relation to civils, had not the clergy (who have an inexhaustible
magazine of oppressive doctrines) contrived first in ecclesiasticals,
&c." The seventh paragraph furious and false. Were there no tyrants
before the clergy, &c.?

Page 236. "Therefore in order to serve them, though I expect little
thanks, &c." And, why so? Will they not, as you say, follow their
interest? I thought you said so. He has three or four sprightly turns of
this kind, that look, as if he thought he had done wonders, and had put
all the clergy in a ferment. Whereas, I do assure him, there are but two
things wonderful in his book: First, how any man in a Christian country
could have the boldness and wickedness to write it: And, how any
government would neglect punishing the author of it, if not as an enemy
of religion, yet a profligate trumpeter of sedition. These are hard
words, got by reading his book.

_Ibid_. "The light of nature as well as the Gospel, obliges people to
judge of themselves, &c. to avoid false prophets, seducers, &c." The
legislature can turn out a priest, and appoint another ready-made, but
not make one; as you discharge a physician, and may take a farrier; but
he is no physician, unless made as he ought to be.

_Ibid_. "Since no more power is required for the one than the other."
That is, I dislike my physician, and can turn him off, therefore I can
make any man a physician, &c. "_Cujus est destruere_, &c." Jest on it:
Therefore because he lays schemes for destroying the Church, we must
employ him to raise it again. See, what danger lies in applying maxims
at random. So, because it is the soldiers' business to knock men on the
head, it is theirs likewise to raise them to life, &c.

Page 237. "It can belong only to the people to appoint their own
ecclesiastical officers." This word "people" is so delicious in him,
that I cannot tell what is included in the idea of the "people." Doth he
mean the rabble or the legislature, &c. In this sense it may be true,
that the legislature giveth leave to the bishops to appoint, and they
appoint themselves, I mean, the executive power appoints, &c. He sheweth
his ignorance in government. As to High Church he carrieth it a
prodigious way, and includeth, in the idea of it, more than others will
allow.

Page 239 "Though it be customary to admit none to the ministry who are
not approved by the bishops or priests, &c." One of his principles to
expose.

_Ibid_ "If every one has not an inherent right to choose his own guide,
then a man must be either of the religion of his guide, or, &c." That
would make delicate work in a nation. What would become of all our
churches? They must dwindle into conventicles. Show what would be the
consequence of this scheme in several points. This great reformer, if
his projects were reduced to practice, how many thousand sects, and
consequently tumults, &c. Men must be governed in speculation, at least
not suffered to vent them, because opinions tend to actions, which are
most governed by opinions, &c. If those who write for the church writ
no better, they would succeed but scurvily. But to see whether he be a
good writer, let us see when he hath published his second part.

Page 253 "An excellent author in his preface to the Account of Denmark."
This man judgeth and writeth much of a level. Molesworth's preface full
of stale profligate topics. That author wrote his book in spite to a
nation, as this doth to religion, and both perhaps on poor personal
piques[1].

[Footnote 19: This was Robert, Viscount Molesworth (1656-1725), who
was born in Dublin, and educated at Trinity College there. He was
ambassador at Copenhagen, but had to resign on account of a dispute with
the Danish king. The "Account of Denmark," which he wrote on his
return, was answered by Dr. King. [T. S.]]

_Ibid_ "By which means, and not by any difference in speculative
matters, they are more rich and populous." As if ever anybody thought
that a difference in speculative opinions made men richer or poorer, for
example, &c.

Page 258 "Play the Devil for God's sake." If this is meant for wit, I
would be glad to observe it, but in such cases I first look whether
there be common sense, &c.

Page 261 "Christendom has been the scene of perpetual wars, massacres,
&c." He doth not consider that most religious wars have been caused by
schisms, when the dissenting parties were ready to join with any
ambitious discontented man. The national religion always desireth peace,
even in her notions, for its interests.

Page 270. "Some have taken the liberty to compare a high church priest
in politics to a monkey in a glass-shop, where, as he can do no good, so
he never fails of doing mischief enough." That is his modesty, it is his
own simile, and it rather fits a man that does so and so, (meaning
himself.) Besides the comparison is foolish: So it is with _men_, as
with _stags_.

Page 276. "Their interest obliges them directly to promote tyranny." The
matter is, that Christianity is the fault, which spoils the priests, for
they were like other men, before they were priests. Among the Romans,
priests did not do so; for they had the greatest power during the
republic. I wonder he did not prove they spoiled Nero.

Page 277. "No princes have been more insupportable and done greater
violence to the commonwealth than those the clergy have honoured for
saints and martyrs." For example in our country, the princes most
celebrated by our clergy are, &c. &c. &c. And the quarrels since the
Conquest were nothing at all of the clergy, but purely of families, &c.
wherein the clergy only joined like other men.

Page 279. "After the Reformation,[20]I desire to know whether the
conduct of the clergy was anyways altered for the better, &c." Monstrous
misrepresentation. Does this man's spirit of declaiming let him forget
all truth of fact, as here, &c.? Shew it. Or doth he flatter himself, a
time will come in future ages, that men will believe it on his word? In
short, between declaiming, between misrepresenting, and falseness, and
charging Popish things, and independency huddled together, his whole
book is employed.