A similar instance of a military jeopardy occurs in the same author,
ch. 364. It happened before the gates of Troyes. "There was an
Englyshe squyre, borne in the bishopryke of Lincolne, an expert man
of armes; I can nat say whyder he could se or nat; but he spurred his
horse, his speare in his hande, and his targe about his necke; his
horse came rushyng downe the waye, and lept clene over the barres of
the baryers, and so galoped to the gate, where as the duke of Burgoyne
and the other lords of France were, who reputed that dede for a great
enterprise. The squyer thoughte to have returned, but he could nat;
for his horse was stryken with speares, and beaten downe, and
the squyer slayn; wherewith the Duke of Burgoyne was right sore
displeased."
_Wilt thou lend me our king's standard,
To bear a little way_?--P. 29. v. 4.
In all ages, and in almost all countries, the military standards have
been objects of respect to the soldiery, whose duty it is to range
beneath them, and, if necessary, to die in their defence. In the ages
of chivalry, these ensigns were distinguished by their shape, and by
the various names of banners, pennons, penoncelles, &c., according to
the number of men, who were to fight under them. They were displayed,
on the day of battle, with singular solemnity, and consigned to the
charge only of such as were thought willing and able to defend them to
the uttermost. When the army of Edward, the Black Prince, was drawn
up against that of Henry the Bastard, king of Castile, "Than Sir Johan
Chandos brought his baner, rolled up togyder, to the prince, and said,
'Sir, behold, here is my baner. I requyre you display it abrode, and
give me leave, this daye, to raise it; for, sir, I thanke God and you,
I have land and heritage suffyciente to maynteyne it withal.' Than the
prince, and King Dampeter (Don Pedro), toke the baner betwene their
handes, and spred it abrode, the which was of sylver, a sharp pyle
gaules, and delyvered it to hym, and said, 'Sir Johan, behold here
youre baner; God sende you joye and honour thereof!' Than Sir Johan
Chandos bare his baner to his owne company, and sayde, 'Sirs, beholde
here my baner, and yours; kepe it as your owne.' And they toke it, and
were right joyful therof, and sayd, that, by the pleasure of God,
and Saint George, they wold kepe and defend it to the best of their
powers. And so the baner abode in the handes of a good Englishe
squyer, called William Alery, who bare it that day, and acquaytted
himself right nobly."--_Froissart_, Vol. I. ch. 237. The loss of a
banner was not only great dishonour, but an infinite disadvantage. At
the battle of Cocherel, in Normandy, the flower of the combatants, on
each side, were engaged in the attack and defence of the banner of the
captall of Buche, the English leader. It was planted amid a bush of
thorns, and guarded by sixty men at arms, who defended it gallantly.
"There were many rescues, and many a one hurt and cast to the earth,
and many feats of armes done, and many gret strokes given, with good
axes of steel, that it was wonder to behold." The battle did not cease
until the captall's standard was taken and torn to pieces.
We learn, from the following passage in _Stowe's Chronicle_, that the
standard of Edward I. was a golden dragon. "The king entred Wales
with an army, appointing the footmen to occupie the enemies in fight,
whiles his horsemen, in a wing, set on the rere battell: himselfe,
with a power, kept his place, where he pight his golden dragon, unto
whiche, as to a castle, the wounded and wearied might repair."
"_Where was thou bred? where was thou born?
Where, or in what countrie?"
"In north of England I was born:
(It needed him to lie_.)--P. 29. v. 5.
Stratagems, such as that of Maitland, were frequently practised with
success, in consequence of the complete armour worn by the knights of
the middle ages. In 1359, Edward III. entered France, to improve the
success of the battle of Poictiers. Two French knights, Sir Galahaut
of Rybamont, and Sir Roger of Cologne, rode forth, with their
followers, to survey the English host, and, in short, to seek
adventures. It chanced that they met a foraging party of Germans,
retained in King Edward's service, under the command of Reynold of
Boulant, a knight of that nation. By the counsel of a squire of his
retinue, Sir Galahaut joined company with the German knight, under the
assumed character of Bartholomew de Bonne, Reynold's countryman, and
fellow soldier in the English service. The French knights "were a 70
men of armes, and Sir Renolde had not past a 30; and, whan Sir Renolde
saw theym, he displayed his baner befor hym, and came softely rydynge
towarde theym, wenyng to hym that they had been Englyshemen. Whan he
approched, he lyft up hys vyser, saluted Sir Galahaut, in the name of
Sir Bartylmewe de Bonnes. Sir Galahaut helde hymselfe styll secrete,
and answered but fayntly, and sayd, 'let us ryde forth;' and so rode
on, and hys men, on the one syde, and the Almaygnes on the other. Whan
Sir Renolde of Boulant sawe theyr maner, and howe Sir Galahaut rode
sometyme by hym, and spake no word, than he began to suspecte. And
he had not so ryden, the space of a quarter of an hour, but he stode
styll, under his baner, among hys men, and sayd, 'Sir, I have dout
what knyght ye be. I thynke ye be nat Sir Bartylmewe, for I knowe hym
well; and I see well that yt ys nat you. I woll ye telle me your name,
or I ryde any farter in your company.' Therwith Sir Galahaut lyft
up hys vyser, and rode towardes the knyght to have taken hym by the
raygne of hys brydell, and cryed, '_Our Ladye of Rybamont_!' than Sir
Roger of Coloyne sayd, '_Coloyne to the rescue_!'[95] Whan Sir Renolde
of Boulant sawe what case he was in, he was nat gretly afrayed, but
drewe out his sworde; and, as Sir Galahaut wolde have taken hym by the
brydell, Sir Renolde put his sworde clene through hym, and drue agayne
hys sworde out of hym, and toke his horse, with the spurres, and left
Sir Galahaut sore hurt. And, whan Sir Galahautes men sawe theyr master
in that case, they were sore dyspleased, and set on Sir Renolde's
men; there were many cast to the yerth, but as sone as Sir Renolde had
gyven Sir Galahaut that stroke, he strak hys horse with the spurres,
and toke the feldes. Than certayne of Galahaut's squyers chasyd hym,
and, whan he sawe that they folowed hym so nere, that he muste other
tourne agayne, or els be shamed, lyke a hardy knyght he tourned, and
abode the foremost, and gave hym such a stroke, that he had no more
lyste to folwe him. And thus, as he rode on, he served three of theym,
that folowed hym, and wounded theym sore: if a goode axe had been in
hys hand, at every stroke he had slayne a man. He dyd so muche, that
he was out of danger of the Frenchmen, and saved hymselfe withoute any
hurte; the whyche hys enemyes reputed for a grete prowess, and so dyd
all other that harde thereof; but hys men were nere slayne or taken,
but few that were saved. And Sir Galahaut was caryed from thence sore
hurt to Perone; of that hurt he was never after perfectly hole; for
he was a knyght of suche courage, that, for all his hurte, he wold not
spare hymselfe; wherefore he lyved not long after."--_Froissart_, Vol.
I. Chap. 207.
[Footnote 95: The war-cries of their family.]
_The youngest turn'd him in a path,
And drew a burnished brand, &c._--P. 31. v. 2.
Thus, Sir Walter Mauny, retreating into the fortress of Hanyboute,
after a successful sally, was pursued by the besiegers, who ranne
after them, lyke madde men; than Sir Gualtier saide, "Let me never
be beloved wyth my lady, without I have a course wyth one of these
folowers!" and turning, with his lance in the rest, he overthrew
several of his pursuers, before he condescended to continue his
retreat.
_Whene'er they came within the yate,
They thrust their horse them frae, &c._--P. 32. v. 1.
"The Lord of Hangest (pursued by the English) came so to the barryers
(of Vandonne) that were open, as his happe was, and so entred in
therat, and than toke his speare, and turned him to defence, right
valiantly."--_Froissart_, Vol. I. Chap. 367.
_They rade their horse, they ran their horse,
Then hovered on the lee, &c._--P. 36. v. 1.
The sieges, during the middle ages, frequently afforded opportunity
for single combat, of which the scene was usually the draw-bridge,
or barriers, of the town. The former, as the more desperate place of
battle, was frequently chosen by knights, who chose to break a lance
for honour, and their ladies' love. In 1387, Sir William Douglas,
lord of Nithisdale, upon the draw-bridge of the town of Carlisle,
consisting of two beams, hardly two feet in breadth, encountered and
slew, first, a single champion of England, and afterwards two, who
attacked him together.--_Forduni Scotichronicon_, Lib. XIV. cap. 51.
He brynt the surburbys of Carlele,
And at the bareris he faucht sa wele,
That on thare bryg he slw a man,
The wychtast that in the town wes than:
Quhare, on a plank of twa feet brade,
He stude, and twa gude payment made,
That he feld twa stout fechteris,
And but skath went till his feres.
_Wintown's Cronykil_, Book IX. Chap. 8.
These combats at the barriers, or palisades, which formed the outer
fortification of a town, were so frequent, that the mode of attack and
defence was early taught to the future knight, and continued long
to be practised in the games of chivalry. The custom, therefore, of
defying the inhabitants of a besieged town to this sort of contest,
was highly fashionable in the middle ages; and an army could hardly
appear before a place, without giving rise to a variety of combats
at the barriers, which were, in general, conducted without any unfair
advantage being taken on either part.
The following striking example of this romantic custom occurs in
Froissart. During the French wars of Edward the Black Prince, and in
the year 1370, a body of English, and of adventurers retained in
his service, approached the city of Noyon, then occupied by a French
garrison, and arrayed themselves, with displayed banners, before
the town, defying the defenders to battle. "There was a Scottysh
knyghte[96] dyde there a goodly feate of armes, for he departed fro
his companye, hys speare in hys hand, and mounted on a good horse, hys
page behynde hyme, and so came before the barryers. Thys knyghte was
called Sir Johan Assueton,[97] a hardy man and a couragyous. Whan he
was before the barryers of Noyon, he lyghted a-fote, and sayd to hys
page, 'Holde, kepe my horse, and departe nat hens;' and so wente to
the barryers. And wythyn the barryers, there were good knyghtes; as,
Sir John of Roy, Sir Lancelat of Loutys, and a x or xii other, who
had grete marveyle what thys sayde knyghte wolde do. Than he sayde to
them, 'Sirs, I am come hyder to se you. I se well, ye wyll nat issue
out of your barryers; therefore I will entre, and I can, and wyll
prove my knyghthode agaynst yours; wyn me and ye can.' And therewyth
he layde on, round about hym, and they at hym. And thus, he alone
fought agaynst them, more than an houre; and dyd hurte two or three
of them; so that they of the towne, on the walles and garrettes,
stode still, and behelde them, and had great pleasure to regarde his
valyauntness, and dyd him no hurte; the whiche they myght have done,
if they hadde list to have shotte, or cast stones at hym. And also
the French knyghtes charged them to let hym and them alone togyder. So
long they foughte, that, at last, his page came near to the barryers,
and spake in his langage, and sayd, 'Sir, come awaye; it is time for
you to departe, for your cumpanye is departyng hens.' The knyghte
harde hym well, and than gave a two or three strokes about him, and
so, armed as he was, he lepte out of the barryers, and lepte upon
his horse, without any hurte, behynde his page; and sayd to the
Frenchemen, 'Adue, sirs! I thank you;' and so rode forthe to his
owne company. The whiche dede was moche praysed of many
folkes."--_Froissart_, cap. 278.
[Footnote 96: By the terms of the peace betwixt England and Scotland,
the Scottish were left at liberty to take service either with France
or England, at their pleasure. Sir Robert Knolles, therefore, who
commanded the expedition, referred to in the text, had under his
command a hundred Scottish spears.]
[Footnote 97: _Assueton_ is a corruption for Swinton. Sir John
Swinton, of Swinton, was a Scottish champion, noted for his courage
and gigantic stature.]
The barriers, so often alluded to, are described, by the same
admirable historian, to be grated pallisades, the grates being
about half a foot wide. In a skirmish before Honycourt, Sir Henry
of Flanders ventured to thrust his sword so far through one of those
spaces, that a sturdy abbot, who was within, seized his sword-arm,
and drew it through the harriers, up to the shoulder. In this aukward
situation he remained for some time, being unwilling to dishonour
himself by quitting his weapon. He was at length rescued, but lost his
sword; which Froissart afterwards saw preserved, as a relique, in the
monastery of Honycourt.--Vol. I. chap. 39. For instances of single
combats, at the barriers, see the same author, _passim_.
_And if the twa suld slay ye baith,
Ye'se get na help frae me_.--P. 34. v. 5.
According to the laws of chivalry, laws, which were also for a long
time observed in duels, when two or more persons were engaged on
each side, he, who first conquered his immediate antagonist, was at
liberty, if he pleased, to come to the assistance of his companions.
The play of the "_Little French Lawyer_" turns entirely upon this
circumstance; and it may be remarked throughout the poems of Boiardo
and Ariosto; particularly in the combat of three Christian and three
Pagan champions, in the 42d canto of _Orlando Furioso_. But doubtless
a gallant knight was often unwilling, like young Maitland, to avail
himself of this advantage. Something of this kind seems to have
happened in the celebrated combat, fought in the presence of James II.
at Stirling, in 1449, between three French, or Flemish, warriors, and
three noble Scottishmen, two of whom were of the house of Douglas.
The reader will find a literal translation of Olivier de la Marche's
account of this celebrated tourney, in _Pinkerton's History_, Vol. I.
p. 428.
_I am nae king, nor nae sic thing:
My word it shanna stand_!--P. 35. v. 2.
Maitland's apology for retracting his promise to stand neuter, is as
curious as his doing so is natural. The unfortunate John of France was
wont to say, that, if truth and faith were banished from all the rest
of the universe, they should still reside in the breast and the mouth
of kings.
_They maul'd him cruellie_.--P. 35. v. 5.
This has a vulgar sound, but is actually a phrase of romance. _Tant
frappent et_ maillent _lex deux vassaux l'un sur l'autre, que leurs
heaumes, et leurs hauberts, sont tous cassez et rompus_.--La fleur des
Battailes.
_But, wi' the poll-axe in his hand,
Upon the brigg sprang he_.--P. 36. v. 4.
The battle-axe, of which there are many kinds, was a knightly weapon,
much used in the middle ages, as well in single combat as in battle.
"And also there was a younge bachelor, called Bertrande of Glesguyne,
who duryng the seige, fought wyth an Englyshman, called Sir Nycholas
Dagerne; and that batayle was takene thre courses wyth a speare,
thre strokes wyth an axe, and thre wyth a dagger. And eche of these
knyghtes bare themselves so valyantly, that they departed fro the
felde wythout any damage, and they were well regarded, bothe of theyme
wythyn, and they wythout." This happened at the siege of Rennes, by
the Duke of Lancaster, in 1357.--_Froissart_, Vol. I. c. 175. With the
same weapon Godfrey of Harcourt long defended himself, when surprised
and defeated by the French. "And Sir Godfraye's men kepte no goode
array, nor dyd nat as they had promysed; moost part of theyme fledde:
whan Sir Godfraye sawe that, he sayde to hymselfe, howe he had rather
there be slayne than be taken by the Frenchmen; there he toke hys axe
in hys handes, and set fast the one legge before the other, to stonde
the more surely; for hys one legge was a lytell crooked, but he was
strong in the armes. Ther he fought valyantly and long: none durste
well abyde hys strokes; than two Frenchmen mounted on theyr horses,
and ranne both with their speares at ones at hym, and so bare hym to
the yerth: than other, that were a-fote, came wyth theyr swerdes,
and strake hym into the body, under his barneys, so that ther he was
slayne."--_Ibid_, chap. 172. The historian throws Sir Godfrey into a
striking attitude of desperation.
_When Maitland saw his ain blude fa',
An angry man was he_,--P. 37, v. 1.
There is a saying, that a Scottishman fights best after seeing his own
blood. Camerarius has contrived to hitch this foolish proverb into
a national compliment; for he quotes it as an instance of the
persevering gallantry of his countrymen. "_Si in pugna proprium
effundi sanguinem vidissent, non statim prostrato animo concedebant,
sed irato potius in hostes velut furentes omnibus viribus
incurrebant_."
_That Edward once lay under me,
And e'er gat up again_.--P. 37. v. 4.
Some reciters repeat it thus:
"That _Englishman_ lay under me,"
which is in the true spirit of Blind Harry, who makes Wallace say,
"I like better to see the southeron die,
"Than gold or land, that they can gie to me."
In slaying Edward, Maitland acts pitilessly, but not contrary to
the laws of arms, which did not enjoin a knight to shew mercy to his
antagonist, until he yielded him, "_rescue or no rescue_." Thus, the
seigneur de Languerant came before the walls of an English garrison,
in Gascony, and defied any of the defenders to run a course with a
spear: his challenge being accepted by Bertrand Courant, the governor
of the place, they couched their spears, like good knights, and dashed
on their horses. Their spears were broke to pieces, and Languerant was
overthrown, and lost his helmet among the horses' feet. His attendants
were coming up; but Bernard drew his dagger, and said, "Sir, yield
ye my prisoner, rescue or no rescue; else ye are but dead." The
dismounted champion spoke not a word; on which, Bertrand, entering
into fervent ire, dashed his dagger into his skull. Besides, the
battle was not always finished by one warrior obtaining this advantage
over the other. In the battle of Nejara, the famous Sir John Chandos
was overthrown, and held down, by a gigantic Spanish cavalier, named
Martino Fernandez. "Then Sir Johan Chandos remembred of a knyfe, that
he had in his bosome, and drew it out, and struck this Martyne so in
the backe, and in the sydes, that he wounded him to dethe, as he laye
upon hym." The dagger, which the knights employed in these close and
desperate struggles, was called the _poniard of mercy_.
BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.
THE SCOTTISH EDITION.
* * * * *
The following edition of the Battle of Otterbourne, being essentially
different from that which is published in the _Reliques of Ancient
Poetry_, Vol. I. and being obviously of Scottish composition, claims a
place in the present collection. The particulars of that noted action
are related by Froissard, with the highest encomium upon the valour of
the combatants on each side. James, Earl of Douglas, with his brother,
the Earl of Murray, in 1387 invaded Northumberland, at the head of
3000 men; while the Earls of Fife and Strathern, sons to the king of
Scotland, ravaged the western borders of England, with a still more
numerous army. Douglas penetrated as far as Newcastle, where the
renowned Hotspur lay in garrison. In a skirmish before the walls,
Percy's lance, with the pennon, or guidon, attached to it, was taken
by Douglas, as most authors affirm, in a personal encounter betwixt
the two heroes. The earl shook the pennon aloft, and swore he would
carry it as his spoil into Scotland, and plant it upon his castle of
Dalkeith. "That," answered Percy, "shalt thou never!"--Accordingly,
having collected the forces of the marches, to a number equal, or
(according to the Scottish historians) much superior, to the army
of Douglas, Hotspur made a night attack upon the Scottish camp, at
Otterbourne, about thirty-two miles from Newcastle. An action took
place, fought, by moon-light, with uncommon gallantry and desperation.
At length, Douglas, armed with an iron mace, which few but he could
wield, rushed into the thickest of the English battalions, followed
only by his chaplain, and two squires of his body.[98] Before his
followers could come up, their brave leader was stretched on the
ground, with three mortal wounds: his squires lay dead by his side;
the priest alone, armed with a lance, was protecting his master from
farther injury. "I die like my forefathers," said the expiring hero,
"in a field of battle, and not on a bed of sickness. Conceal my death,
defend my standard,[99] and avenge my fall! It is an old prophecy,
that a dead man shall gain a field,[100] and I hope it will be
accomplished this night."--_Godscroft_.--With these words he expired;
and the fight was renewed with double obstinacy around his body. When
morning appeared, however, victory began to incline to the Scottish
side. Ralph Percy, brother to Hotspur, was made prisoner by the earl
Marischal, and, shortly after, Harry Percy[101] himself was taken by
Lord Montgomery. The number of captives, according to Wyntoun, nearly
equalled that of the victors. Upon this the English retired, and left
the Scots masters of the dear-bought honours of the field. But the
bishop of Durham approaching, at the head of a body of fresh forces,
not only checked the pursuit of the victors, but made prisoners some
of the stragglers, who had urged the chase too far. The battle was
not, however, renewed, as the bishop of Durham did not venture
to attempt the rescue of Percy. The field was fought 15th August,
1388.--_Fordun, Froissard, Hollinshed, Godscroft_.
[Footnote 98: Their names were Robert Hart and Simon Glendinning.
The chaplain was Richard Lundie, afterwards archdean of
Aberdeen.--_Godscroft_. Hart, according to Wintown, was a knight. That
historian says, no one knew how Douglas fell.]
[Footnote 99: The banner of Douglas, upon this memorable occasion, was
borne by his natural son, Archibald Douglas, ancestor of the family of
Cavers, hereditary sheriffs of Teviotdale, amongst whose archives this
glorious relique is still preserved. The earl, at his onset, is said
to have charged his son to defend it to the last drop of his blood.]
[Footnote 100: This prophecy occurs in the ballad as an ominous
dream.]
[Footnote 101: Hotspur, for his ransom, built the castle of Penoon,
in Ayrshire, belonging to the family of Montgomery, now earls of
Eglintoun.]
The ground, on which this memorable engagement took place, is now the
property of John Davidson, Esq. of Newcastle, and still retains the
name of Battle Cross. A cross, erroneously termed _Percy's Cross_,
has been erected upon the spot where the gallant Earl of Douglas is
supposed to have fallen. These particulars were communicated to the
editor, in the most obliging manner, by the present proprietor of
Otterbourne.
The ballad, published in the _Reliques_, is avowedly an English
production; and the author, with a natural partiality, leans to
the side of his countrymen; yet, that ballad, or some one similar,
modified probably by national prejudice, must have been current in
Scotland during the reign of James VI.: for Godscroft, in treating of
this battle, mentions its having been the subject of popular song,
and proceeds thus: But that, which is commonly sung of the _Hunting of
Chiviot_, seemeth indeed poetical, and a mere fiction, perhaps to stir
up virtue; yet a fiction whereof there is no mention, either in the
Scottish or English Chronicle. Neither are the songs, that are made of
them, both one; for the _Scots song made of Otterbourne_, telleth
the time, about Lammas; and also the occasion, to take preys out of
England; also the dividing the armies betwixt the earls of Fife
and Douglas, and their several journeys, almost as in the authentic
history. It beginneth thus;
"It fell about the Lammas tide,
"When yeomen win their hay,
"The doughty Douglas 'gan to ride,
"In England to take a prey."--
GODSCROFT, _ed. Edin_. 1743. Vol. I. p. 195.
I cannot venture to assert, that the stanzas, here published, belong
to the ballad alluded to by Godscroft; but they come much nearer to
his description than the copy published in the first edition, which
represented Douglas as falling by the poignard of a faithless
page. Yet we learn, from the same author, that the story of the
assassination was not without foundation in tradition.--"There are
that say, that he (Douglas) was not slain by the enemy, but by one of
his own men, a groom of his chamber, whom he had struck the day before
with a truncheon, in ordering of the battle, because he saw him make
somewhat slowly to. And they name this man John Bickerton of Luffness,
who left a part of his armour behind, unfastened, and when he was in
the greatest conflict, this servant of his came behind his back, and
slew him thereat."--_Godscroft, ut supra_.--"But this narration," adds
the historian, "is not so probable."[102] Indeed, it seems to have
no foundation, but the common desire of assigning some remote and
extraordinary cause for the death of a great man. The following ballad
is also inaccurate in many other particulars, and is much shorter, and
more indistinct, than that printed in the _Reliques_, although many
verses are almost the same. Hotspur, for instance, is called _Earl
Percy_, a title he never enjoyed; neither was Douglas buried on the
field of battle, but in Melrose Abbey, where his tomb is still shown.
[Footnote 102: Wintown assigns another cause for Douglas being
carelessly armed.
"The erle Jamys was sa besy,
For til ordane his cumpany;
And on his Fays for to pas,
That reckles he of his armyng was;
The Erle of Mwrrawys Bassenet,
Thai sayd, at that tyme was feryhete."
Book VIII. Chap 7.
The circumstance of Douglas' omitting to put on his helmet, occurs in
the ballad.]
This song was first published from Mr. Herd's _Collection of Scottish
Songs and Ballads_, Edin. 1774: 2 vols. octavo; but two recited copies
have fortunately been obtained from the recitation of old persons
residing at the head of Ettrick Forest, by which the story is brought
out, and completed, in a manner much more correspondent to the true
history.
I cannot dismiss the subject of the Battle of Otterbourne, without
stating (with all the deference due to the father of this species of
literature) a doubt, which occurs to me, as to the account given of
"Sir John of Agurstone," one of the Scottish warriors, in the learned
and excellent notes subjoined to the ballad, in the _Reliques of
Ancient Poetry_. This personage is there supposed to have been one of
the Haggerstons of Haggerston, a Northumbrian family, who, according
to the fate of war, were sometimes subjects of Scotland. I cannot,
however, think, that at this period, while the English were in
possession both of Berwick and Roxburgh, with the intermediate
fortresses of Wark, Cornwall, and Norham, the Scots possessed any
part of Northumberland, much less a manor which lay within that strong
chain of castles. I should presume the person alluded to rather to
have been one of the Rutherfords, barons of Edgerstane, or Adgerston,
a warlike family, which has long flourished on the Scottish borders,
and who were, at this very period, retainers of the house of Douglas.
The same notes contain an account of the other Scottish warriors of
distinction, who were present at the battle. These were, the earls
of Monteith, Buchan, and Huntley; the barons of Maxwell and Johnston;
Swinton of that ilk, an ancient family which, about that period,
produced several distinguished warriors; Sir David (or rather, as the
learned editor well remarks, Sir Walter) Scott of Buccleuch, Stewart
of Garlies, and Murray of Cockpool.
_Regibus et legibus Scotici constantes,
Vos clypeis et gladiis pro patria pugnantes,
Vestra est victoria, vestra est et gloria,
In cantu et historia, perpes est memoria_!
BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.
* * * * *
It fell about the Lammas tide,
When the muir-men win their hay,
The doughty earl of Douglas rode
Into England, to catch a prey.
He chose the Gordons and the Graemes,
With them the Lindesays, light and gay;
But the Jardines wald not with him ride,
And they rue it to this day.
And he has burn'd the dales of Tyne,
And part of Bambrough shire;
And three good towers on Roxburgh fells,
He left them all on fire.
And he march'd up to Newcastle,
And rode it round about;
"O wha's the lord of this castle,
"Or wha's the lady o't?"
But up spake proud Lord Percy, then,
And O but he spake hie!
"I am the lord of this castle,
"My wife's the lady gay."
"If thou'rt the lord of this castle,
"Sae weel it pleases me!
"For, ere I cross the border fells,
"The tane of us shall die."
He took a lang spear in his hand.
Shod with the metal free,
And for to meet the Douglas there,
He rode right furiouslie.
But O how pale his lady look'd,
Frae aff the castle wa',
When down, before the Scottish spear,
She saw proud Percy fa',
"Had we twa been upon the green,
"And never an eye to see,
I wad hae had you, flesh and fell[103];
"But your sword sall gae wi' me."
"But gae ye up to Otterbourne,
"And wait there dayis three;
And, if I come not ere three dayis end,
"A fause knight ca' ye me."
"The Otterbourne's a bonnie burn;
"'Tis pleasant there to be;
"But there is nought at Otterbourne,
"To feed my men and me.
"The deer rins wild on hill and dale,
"The birds fly wild from tree to tree;
"But there is neither bread nor kale,
"To fend[104] my men and me.
"Yet I will stay at Otterbourne,
"Where you shall welcome be;
"And, if ye come not at three dayis end,
"A fause lord I'll ca' thee."
"Thither will I come," proud Percy said,
"By the might of Our Ladye!"--
"There will I bide thee," said the Douglas,
"My trowth I plight to thee."
They lighted high on Otterbourne,
Upon the bent sae brown;
They lighted high on Otterbourne,
And threw their pallions down.
And he that had a bonnie boy,
Sent out his horse to grass;
And he that had not a bonnie boy,
His ain servant he was.
But up then spake a little page,
Before the peep of dawn--
"O waken ye, waken ye, my good lord,
"For Percy's hard at hand."
"Ye lie, ye lie, ye liar loud!
"Sae loud I hear ye lie:
For Percy had not men yestreen,
"To dight my men and me."
"But I hae dream'd a dreary dream,
"Beyond the Isle of Sky;
"I saw a dead man win a fight,
"And I think that man was I."
He belted on his good braid sword,
And to the field he ran;
But he forgot the helmet good,
That should have kept his brain.
When Percy wi' the Douglas met,
I wat he was fu' fain!
They swakked their swords, till sair they swat,
And the blood ran down like rain.
But Percy, with his good broad sword,
That could so sharply wound,
Has wounded Douglas on the brow,
Till he fell to the ground.
Then he call'd on his little foot-page.
And said--"Run speedilie,
"And fetch my ain dear sister's son,
"Sir Hugh Montgomery."
"My nephew good," the Douglas said,
"What recks the death of ane!
"Last night I dream'd a dreary dream,
"And I ken the day's thy ain,
"My wound is deep; I fain would sleep;
"Take thou the vanguard of the three,
"And hide me by the braken bush,
"That grows on yonder lilye lee,
"O bury me by the braken bush,
"Beneath the blooming briar;
"Let never living mortal ken,
"That ere a kindly Scot lies here."
He lifted up that noble lord,
Wi' the saut tear in his e'e;
He hid him in the braken bush,
That his merrie men might not see.
The moon was clear, the day drew near,
The spears in flinders flew,
But mony a gallant Englishman,
Ere day the Scotsmen slew.
The Gordons good, in English blood,
They steep'd their hose and shoon;
The Lindsays flew like fire about,
Till all the fray was done.
The Percy and Montgomery met,
That either of other were fain;
They swapped swords, and they twa swat,
And aye the blude ran down between.
"Yield thee, O yield thee, Percy!" he said,
"Or else I vow I'll lay thee low!"
"Whom to shall I yield," said Earl Percy,
"Now that I see it must be so?"
"Thou shalt not yield to lord nor loun,
"Nor yet shalt thou yield to me;
"But yield thee to the braken bush,[105]
"That grows upon yon lilye lee!"
"I will not yield to a braken bush,
"Nor yet will I yield to a briar;
But I would yield to Earl Douglas,
"Or Sir Hugh the Montgomery, if he were here."
As soon as he knew it was Montgomery,
He stuck his sword's point in the gronde;
And the Montgomery was a courteous knight,
And quickly took him by the honde.
This deed was done at Otterbourne,
About the breaking of the day;
Earl Douglas was buried at the braken bush,
And the Percy led captive away.
[Footnote 103: _Fell_.--Hide. Douglas insinuates, that Percy was
rescued by his soldiers.]
[Footnote 104: _Fend_.--Support.]
[Footnote 105: _Braken_.--Fern.]
* * * * *
NOTES ON THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE.
_He chose the Gordons and the Graemes_.--P. 64. v. 2.
The illustrious family of Gordon was originally settled upon the lands
of Gordon and Huntly, in the shire of Berwick, and are, therefore, of
border extraction. The steps, by which they removed from thence to the
shires of Aberdeen and Inverness, are worthy notice. In 1300, Adam
de Gordon was warden of the marches.--_Rymer_, Vol. II. p. 870. He
obtained, from Robert the Bruce, a grant of the forfeited estate of
David de Strathbolgie, Earl of Athol; but no possession followed,
the earl having returned to his allegiance.--John de Gordon, his
great-grandson, obtained, from Robert II., a new charter of the lands
of Strathbolgie, which had been once more and finally forfeited, by
David, Earl of Athol, slaine in the battle of Kilblene. This grant is
dated 13th July, 1376. John de Gordon who was destined to transfer,
from the borders of England to those of the Highlands, a powerful
and martial race, was himself a redoubted warrior, and many of his
exploits occur in the annals of that turbulent period. In 1371-2, the
English borderers invaded and plundered the lands of Gordon, on the
Scottish east march. Sir John of Gordon retaliated, by an incursion
on Northumberland, where he collected much spoil. But, as he returned
with his booty, he was attacked, at unawares, by Sir John Lillburne,
a Northumbrian, who, with a superior force, lay near Carham in ambush,
to intercept him. Gordon harangued and cheered his followers, charged
the English gallantly, and, after having himself been five times in
great peril, gained a complete victory; slaying many southerns, and
taking their leader and his brother captive. According to the prior of
Lochlevin, he was desperately wounded; but
"Thare rays a welle gret renowne,
"And gretly prysyd wes gud Gordown."
Shortly after this exploit, Sir John of Gordon encountered and
routed Sir Thomas Musgrave, a renowned English marc-hman whom he made
prisoner. The lord of Johnstone had, about the same time, gained a
great advantage on the west border; and hence, says Wynton,
He and the Lord of Gordowne
Had a soverane gud renown,
Of ony that war of thare degrГ©,
For full thai war of gret bountГ©.
Upon another occasion, John of Gordon is said to have partially
succeeded in the surprisal of the town of Berwick, although the
superiority of the garrison obliged him to relinquish his enterprise.
The ballad is accurate, in introducing this warrior, with his clan,
into the host of Douglas at Otterbourne. Perhaps, as he was in
possession of his extensive northern domains, he brought to the
field the northern broad-swords, as well as the lances of his eastern
borderers. With his gallant leader, he lost his life in the deadly
conflict. The English ballad commemorates his valour and prudence;
"The Erle of Huntley, cawte and kene."
But the title is a premature designation. The earldom of Huntly was
first conferred on Alexander Seaton, who married the grand-daughter
of the hero of Otterbourne, and assumed his title from Huntly, in the
north. Besides his eldest son Adam, who carried on the line of the
family, Sir John de Gordon left two sons, known, in tradition, by the
familiar names of _Jock_ and _Tam_. The former was the ancestor of
the Gordons of Pitlurg; the latter of those of Lesmoir, and of
Craig-Gordon. This last family is now represented by James Gordon,
Esq. of Craig, being the eleventh, in direct descent, from Sir John de
Gordon.
_The Graemes_.
The clan of Graeme, always numerous and powerful upon the border, were
of Scottish origin, and deduce the descent of their chieftain, Graeme
of Netherby, from John _with the bright sword_, a son of Malice
Graeme, Earl of Menteith, who flourished in the fourteenth century.
Latterly, they _became Englishmen_, as the phrase went, and settled
upon the Debateable Land, whence they were transported to Ireland,
by James VI., with the exception of a very few respectable families;
"because," said his majesty in a proclamation, "they do all (but
especially the Graemes) confess themselves to be no meet persons to
live in these countries; and also, to the intent their lands may be
inhabited by others, of good and honest conversation." But, in the
reign of Henry IV., the Graemes of the border still adhered to the
Scottish allegiance, as appears from the tower of Graeme in Annandale,
Graemes Walls in Tweeddale, and other castles within Scotland, to
which they have given their name. The reader is, however, at liberty
to suppose, that the Graemes of the Lennox and Menteith, always ready
to shed their blood in the cause of their country, on this occasion
joined Douglas.
_With them the Lindsays light and gay_.--p. 64. v. 2.
The chief of this ancient family, at the date of the battle of
Otterbourne, was David Liudissay, lord of Glenesk, afterwards created
Earl of Crawford. He was, after the manner of the times, a most
accomplished knight. He survived the battle of Otterbourne, and the
succeeding carnage of Homildon. In May, 1390, he went to England, to
seek adventures of chivalry; and justed, upon London Bridge, against
the lord of Wells, an English knight, with so much skill and success,
as to excite, among the spectators, a suspicion that he was tied
to his saddle; which he removed, by riding up to the royal chair,
vaulting out of his saddle, and resuming his seat without assistance,
although loaded with complete armour. In 1392, Lindsay was nearly
slain in a strange manner. A band of Catterans, or wild Highlanders,
had broken down from the Grampian Hills, and were engaged in
plundering the county of Angus. Walter Ogilvy, the sheriff, with
Sir Patrick Gray, marched against them, and were joined by Sir
David Lindsay. Their whole retinue did not exceed sixty men, and the
Highlanders were above three hundred. Nevertheless, trusting to
the superiority of arms and discipline, the knights rushed on the
invaders, at Gasclune, in the Stormont. The issue was unfortunate.
Ogilvy, his brother, and many of his kindred, were overpowered and
slain. Lindsay, armed at all points, made great slaughter among the
naked Catterans; but, as he pinned one of them to the earth with
his lance, the dying mountaineer writhed upwards and, collecting
his force, fetched a blow with his broad-sword which cut through the
knight's stirrup-leather and steel-boot and nearly severed his leg.
The Highlander expired, and Lindsay was with difficulty borne out of
the field by his followers--_Wyntown_. Lindsay is also noted for
a retort, made to the famous Hotspur. At a march-meeting, at
Haldane-Stank, he happened to observe, that Percy was sheathed in
complete armour. "It is for fear of the English horsemen," said
Percy, in explanation; for he was already meditating the insurrection,
immortalised by Shakespeare. "Ah! Sir Harry," answered Lindsay, "I
have seen you more sorely bestad by Scottish footmen than by English
horse."--_Wyntown_. Such was the leader of the "_Lindsays light and
guy_."
According to Froissard, there were three Lindsays in the battle of
Otterbourne, whom he calls Sir William, Sir James, and Sir Alexander.
To Sir James Lindsay there fell "a strange chance of war," which I
give in the words of the old historian. "I shall shewe you of Sir
Mathewe Reedman (an English warrior, and governor of Berwick), who
was on horsebacke, to save himselfe, for he alone coude nat remedy the
mater. At his departynge, Sir James Limsay was nere him, and sawe Sir
Mathewe departed. And this Sir James, to wyn honour, followed in chase
Sir Mathewe Reedman, and came so nere him, that he myght have stryken
hym with hys speare, if he had lyst. Than he said, 'Ah! Sir knyght,
tourne! it is a shame thus to fly! I am James of Lindsay. If ye
will nat tourne, I shall strike you on the back with my speare.' Sir
Mathewe spoke no worde, but struke his hors with his spurres sorer
than he did before. In this maner he chased hym more than three myles.
And at last Sir Mathewe Reedman's hors foundered, and fell under hym.
Than he stept forthe on the erthe, and drewe oute his swerde, and toke
corage to defend himselfe. And the Scotte thoughte to have stryken hym
on the brest, but Sir Mathewe Reedman swerved fro the stroke, and the
speare point entred into the erthe. Than Sir Mathewe strake asonder
the speare wyth his swerde. And whan Sir James Limsay sawe howe he had
lost his speare, he cast away the tronchon, and lyghted a-fote, and
toke a lytell battell-axe, that he carryed at his backe, and handled
it with his one hand, quickly and delyverly, in the whyche feate
Scottes be well experte. And than he set at Sir Mathewe, and he
defended himselfe properly. Thus they journeyed toguyder, one with an
axe, and the other with a swerde, a longe season, and no man to lette
them. Fynally, Sir James Limsay gave the knyght such strokes, and
helde him so shorte, that he was putte out of brethe in such wyse,
that he yelded himselfe, and sayde,--'Sir James Limsay, I yeld me to
you.'--'Well,' quod he; 'and I receyve you, rescue or no rescue.'--'I
am content,' quod Reedman, 'so ye dele wyth me like a good
companyon.'--'I shall not fayle that,' quod Limsay, and so put up his
swerde. 'Well,' said Reedman, 'what will ye nowe that I shall do? I
am your prisoner; ye have conquered me; I wolde gladly go agayn
to Newcastell, and, within fiftene dayes, I shall come to you into
Scotlande, where as ye shall assigne me.'--'I am content,' quod
Limsay; 'ye shall promyse, by your faythe, to present yourselfe,
within these foure wekes, at Edinborowe; and wheresoever ye go,
to repute yourselfe my prisoner.' All this Sir Mathewe sware, and
promised to fulfil."
The warriors parted upon these liberal terms, and Reedman returned
to Newcastle. But Lindsay had scarcely ridden a mile, when he met the
bishop of Durham, with 500 horse, whom he rode towards, believing them
to be Scottish, until he was too near them to escape. The bysshoppe
stepte to him, and sayde, 'Limsay, ye are taken; yelde ye to
me.'--'Who be you?' quod Limsay. 'I am,' quod he, 'the bysshoppe of
Durham.'--'And fro whens come you, sir?' quod Limsay. 'I come fro the
battell,' quod the bysshoppe, 'but I strucke never a stroke there. I
go backe to Newcastell for this night, and ye shal go with me.'--'I
may not chuse,' quod Limsay, 'sith ye will have it so. I have taken,
and I am taken; suche is the adventures of armes.' Lindsay was
accordingly conveyed to the bishop's lodgings in Newcastle, and here
he was met by his prisoner, Sir Matthew Reedman; who founde hym in a
studye, lying in a windowe, and sayde, 'What! Sir James Lindsay, what
make you here?' Than Sir James came forth of the study to him, and
saydc, 'By my fayth, Sir Mathewe, fortune hath brought me hyder; for,
as soon as I was departed fro you, I mete by chaunce the bisshoppe of
Durham, to whom I am prisoner, as ye be to me. I beleve ye shall
not nede to come to Edenborowe to me to mak your fynaunce. I thynk,
rather, we shall make an exchange one for another, if the bysshoppe
be also contente.'--'Well, sir,' quod Reedman, 'we shall accord ryghte
well toguyder; ye shall dine this day with me: the bysshoppe and our
men be gone forth to fyght with your men. I can nat tell what we
shall know at their retourne.'--'I am content to dyne with you,'
quod Limsay."--_Froissart's Chronicle_, translated by Bourchier, Lord
Berners, Vol. I, chap. 146.
_O gran bontГ de' cavalieri antiqui!
Eran rivali, eran di fГЁ diversi;
E si sentian, de gli aspri colpi iniqui,
Per tutta la persona anco dolersi;
E pur per selve oscure, e calle inqui
Insieme van senza sospetto aversi._
L'Orlando.
_But the Jardines wald not with him ride_.--P. 64. v. 2.
The Jardines were a clan of hardy west-border men. Their chief
was Jardine of Applegirth. Their refusal to ride with Douglas was,
probably, the result of one of those perpetual feuds, which usually
rent to pieces a Scottish army.
_And he that had a bonny boy,
Sent out his horse to grass_.--P. 67. v, 4.
Froissard describes a Scottish host, of the same period, as consisting
of "IIII. M. men of armes, knightis, and squires, mounted on good
horses; and other X.M. men of warre armed, after their gyse, right
hardy and firse, mounted on lytle hackneys, the whiche were never
tyed, nor kept at hard meat, but lette go to pasture in the fieldis
and bushes."--_Cronykle of Froissart_, translated by Lord Berners,
Chap. xvii.
* * * * *
THE SANG OF THE OUTLAW MURRAY.
This ballad appears to have been composed about the reign of James V.
It commemorates a transaction, supposed to have taken place betwixt a
Scottish monarch, and an ancestor of the ancient family of Murray of
Philiphaugh in Selkirkshire. The editor is unable to ascertain the
historical foundation of the tale; nor is it probable that any light
can be thrown upon the subject, without an accurate examination of
the family charter chest. It is certain, that, during the civil wars
betwixt Bruce and Baliol, the family of Philiphaugh existed, and was
powerful; for their ancestor, Archibald de Moravia, subscribes the
oath of fealty to Edward I.A.D. 1296. It is, therefore, not unlikely,
that, residing in a wild and frontier country, they may have, at one
period or other, during these commotions, refused allegiance to the
feeble monarch of the day, and thus extorted from him some grant of
territory or jurisdiction. It is also certain, that, by a charter
from James IV., dated November 30, 1509, John Murray of Philiphaugh
is vested with the dignity of heritable sheriff of Ettrick Forest,
an office held by his descendants till the final abolition of such
jurisdictions by 28th George II. cap. 23. But it seems difficult to
believe that the circumstances, mentioned in the ballad, could occur
under the reign of so vigorous a monarch as James IV. It is true, that
the _Dramatis Personae_ introduced seem to refer to the end of the
fifteenth, or beginning of the sixteenth, century; but from this it
can only be argued, that the author himself lived soon after that
period. It may, therefore, be supposed (unless farther evidence can
be produced, tending to invalidate the conclusion), that the bard,
willing to pay his court to the family, has connected the grant of the
sheriffship by James IV. with some further dispute betwixt the Murrays
of Philiphaugh and their sovereign, occurring, either while they were
engaged upon the side of Baliol, or in the subsequent reigns of David
II. and Robert II. and III., when the English possessed great part
of the Scottish frontier, and the rest was in so lawless a state as
hardly to acknowledge any superior. At the same time, this reasoning
is not absolutely conclusive. James IV. had particular reasons for
desiring that Ettrick Forest, which actually formed part of the
jointure lands of Margaret, his queen, should be kept in a state of
tranquillity.--_Rymer_, Vol. XIII. p. 66. In order to accomplish
this object, it was natural for him, according to the policy of his
predecessors to invest one great family with the power of keeping
order among the rest. It is even probable, that the Philiphaugh family
may have had claims upon part of the lordship of Ettrick Forest, which
lay intermingled with their own extensive possessions; and, in the
course of arranging, not indeed the feudal superiority, but the
property, of these lands, a dispute may have arisen, of sufficient
importance to be the ground-work of a ballad.--It is farther probable,
that the Murrays, like other border clans, were in a very lawless
state, and held their lands merely by occupancy, without any feudal
right. Indeed, the lands of the various proprietors in Ettrick Forest
(being a royal demesne) were held by the possessors, not in property,
but as the kindly tenants, or rentallers, of the crown; and it is only
about 150 years since they obtained charters, striking the feu-duty of
each proprietor, at the rate of the quit-rent, which he formerly paid.
This state of possession naturally led to a confusion of rights and
claims. The kings of Scotland were often reduced to the humiliating
necessity of compromising such matters with their rebellious subjects,
and James himself even entered into a sort of league with Johnie Faa,
the king of the gypsies.--Perhaps, therefore, the tradition, handed
down in this song, may have had more foundation than it would at
present be proper positively to assert.
