I am now resolved to follow (after the usual proceeding of mankind,
because it is too late) the advice given me by a certain Dean. He shewed
the mistake I was in of trusting to the general good-will of the people,
"that I had succeeded hitherto better than could be expected, but that
some unfortunate circumstantial lapse would probably bring me within the
reach of power. That my good intentions would be no security against
those who watched every motion of my pen, in the bitterness of my soul."
He produced an instance of "a writer as innocent, as disinterested, and
as well meaning as myself, where the printer, who had the author in his
power, was prosecuted with the utmost zeal, the jury sent back nine
times, and the man given up to the mercy of the court."[17] The Dean
further observed "that I was in a manner left alone to stand the battle,
while others who had ten thousand times better talents than a Drapier,
were so prudent to lie still, and perhaps thought it no unpleasant
amusement to look on with safety, while another was giving them
diversion at the hazard of his liberty and fortune, and thought they
made a sufficient recompense by a little applause." Whereupon he
concluded with a short story of a Jew at Madrid, who being condemned to
the fire on account of his religion, a crowd of school-boys following
him to the stake, and apprehending they might lose their sport, if he
should happen to recant, would often clap him on the back, and cry,
"_Sta firme Moyse_ (Moses, continue steadfast)."

[Footnote 17: This was for the publication of "A Proposal for the
Universal Use of Irish Manufactures." [T.S.]]

I allow this gentleman's advice to have been good, and his observations
just, and in one respect my condition is worse than that of the Jew, for
no recantation will save me. However it should seem by some late
proceedings, that my state is not altogether deplorable. This I can
impute to nothing but the steadiness of two impartial grand juries,
which hath confirmed in me an opinion I have long entertained, that, as
philosophers say, "virtue is seated in the middle," so in another
sense, the little virtue left in the world is chiefly to be found among
the middle rank of mankind, who are neither allured out of her paths by
ambition, nor driven by poverty.

Since the proclamation occasioned by my last letter, and a due
preparation for proceeding against me in a court of justice, there have
been two printed papers clandestinely spread about, whereof no man is
able to trace the original further than by conjecture, which with its
usual charity lays them to my account. The former is entitled,
"Seasonable Advice,"[18] and appears to have been intended for
information of the grand jury, upon the supposition of a bill to be
prepared against that letter. The other[19] is an extract from a printed
book of Parliamentary Proceedings in the year 1680 containing an angry
resolution of the House of Commons in England against dissolving grand
juries. As to the former, your lordship will find it to be the work of a
more artful hand than that of a common Drapier. It hath been censured
for endeavouring to influence the minds of a jury, which ought to be
wholly free and unbiassed, and for that reason it is manifest that no
judge was ever known either upon or off the bench, either by himself or
his dependents, to use the least insinuation that might possibly affect
the passions or interests of any one single juryman, much less of a
whole jury; whereof every man must be convinced who will just give
himself the trouble to dip into the common printed trials; so as, it is
amazing to think, what a number of upright judges there have been in
both kingdoms for above sixty years past, which, considering how long
they held their offices during pleasure, as they still do among us, I
account next to a miracle.

[Footnote 18: See p. 123. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 19: See note on p. 127. [T.S.]]

As to the other paper I must confess it is a sharp censure of an English
House of Commons against dissolving grand juries by any judge before the
end of the term, assizes, or sessions, while matters are under their
consideration, and not presented; is arbitrary, illegal, destructive to
public justice, a manifest violation of his oath, and is a means to
subvert the fundamental laws of the kingdom.

However, the publisher seems to have been mistaken in what he aimed at.
For, whatever dependence there may be of Ireland upon England, I hope he
would not insinuate, that the proceedings of a lord chief justice in
Ireland must depend upon a resolution of an English House of Commons.
Besides, that resolution although it were levelled against a particular
lord chief justice, Sir William Scroggs,[20] yet the occasion was
directly contrary: For Scroggs dissolved the grand jury of London for
fear they should present, but ours in Dublin was dissolved because they
would not present, which wonderfully alters the case. And therefore a
second grand jury supplied that defect by making a presentment[21] that
hath pleased the whole kingdom. However I think it is agreed by all
parties, that both the one and the other jury behaved themselves in such
a manner, as ought to be remembered to their honour, while there shall
be any regard left among us for virtue or public spirit.

[Footnote 20: Sir William Scroggs (1623?-1683) was appointed Lord Chief
Justice of England on the removal of Sir Thomas Ramsford in 1678. One of
the eight articles of impeachment against Scroggs, in 1680, was for
illegally discharging the grand jury of Middlesex before the end of the
term. Although the articles of impeachment were carried to the House of
Lords in 1681, the proceedings went no farther than ordering him to find
bail and file his answer by a certain time. Scroggs was removed, on
account of his unpopularity, on April 11th, 1681. As a lawyer, Scroggs
has no great reputation; as a judge he must be classed with the
notorious Jeffreys. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 21: See Appendix No. V. [T.S.]]

I am confident your lordship will be of my sentiments in one thing, that
some short plain authentic tract might be published for the information
both of petty and grand juries, how far their power reacheth, and where
it is limited, and that a printed copy of such a treatise might be
deposited in every court, to be consulted by the jurymen before they
consider of their verdict; by which abundance of inconveniences would be
avoided, whereof innumerable instances might be produced from former
times, because I will say nothing of the present.

I have read somewhere of an eastern king who put a judge to death for an
iniquitous sentence, and ordered his hide to be stuffed into a cushion,
and placed upon the tribunal for the son to sit on, who was preferred to
his father's office. I fancy such a memorial might not have been
unuseful to a son of Sir William Scroggs, and that both he and his
successors would often wriggle in their seats as long as the cushion
lasted. I wish the relater had told us what number of such cushions
there might be in that country.

I cannot but observe to your lordship how nice and dangerous a point it
is grown for a private person to inform the people even in an affair
where the public interest and safety are so highly concerned as that of
Mr. Wood, and this in a country where loyalty is woven into the very
hearts of the people, seems a little extraordinary. Sir William Scroggs
was the first who introduced that commendable acuteness into the courts
of judicature; but how far this practice hath been imitated by his
successors or strained upon occasion, is out of my knowledge. When
pamphlets unpleasing to the ministry were presented as libels, he would
order the offensive paragraphs to be read before him, and said it was
strange that the judges and lawyers of the King's Bench should be duller
than all the people of England; and he was often so very happy in
applying the initial letters of names, and expounding dubious hints (the
two common expedients among writers of that class for escaping the law)
that he discovered much more than ever the authors intended, as many of
them or their printers found to their cost. If such methods are to be
followed in examining what I have already written or may write hereafter
upon the subject of Mr. Wood, I defy any man of fifty times my
understanding and caution to avoid being entrapped, unless he will be
content to write what none will read, by repeating over the old
arguments and computations, whereof the world is already grown weary. So
that my good friend Harding lies under this dilemma, either to let my
learned works hang for ever a drying upon his lines, or venture to
publish them at the hazard of being laid by the heels.

I need not tell your lordship where the difficulty lies. It is true, the
King and the laws permit us to refuse this coin of Mr. Wood, but at the
same time it is equally true, that the King and the laws permit us to
receive it. Now it is most certain the ministers in England do not
suppose the consequences of uttering that brass among us to be so
ruinous as we apprehend; because doubtless if they understood it in that
light, they are persons of too much honour and justice not to use their
credit with His Majesty for saving a most loyal kingdom from
destruction. But as long as it shall please those great persons to think
that coin will not be so very pernicious to us, we lie under the
disadvantage of being censured as obstinate in not complying with a
royal patent. Therefore nothing remains, but to make use of that liberty
which the King and the laws have left us, by continuing to refuse this
coin, and by frequent remembrances to keep up that spirit raised against
it, which otherwise may be apt to flag, and perhaps in time to sink
altogether. For, any public order against receiving or uttering Mr.
Wood's halfpence is not reasonably to be expected in this kingdom,
without directions from England, which I think nobody presumes, or is so
sanguine to hope.

But to confess the truth, my lord, I begin to grow weary of my office as
a writer, and could heartily wish it were devolved upon my brethren, the
makers of songs and ballads, who perhaps are the best qualified at
present to gather up the gleanings of this controversy. As to myself, it
hath been my misfortune to begin and pursue it upon a wrong foundation.
For having detected the frauds and falsehoods of this vile impostor Wood
in every part, I foolishly disdained to have recourse to whining,
lamenting, and crying for mercy, but rather chose to appeal to law and
liberty and the common rights of mankind, without considering the
climate I was in.

Since your last residence in Ireland, I frequently have taken my nag to
ride about your grounds, where I fancied myself to feel an air of
freedom breathing round me, and I am glad the low condition of a
tradesman did not qualify me to wait on you at your house, for then I am
afraid my writings would not have escaped severer censures. But I have
lately sold my nag, and honestly told his greatest fault, which was that
of snuffing up the air about Brackdenstown, whereby he became such a
lover of liberty, that I could scarce hold him in. I have likewise
buried at the bottom of a strong chest your lordship's writings under a
heap of others that treat of liberty, and spread over a layer or two of
Hobbes, Filmer, Bodin[22] and many more authors of that stamp, to be
readiest at hand whenever I shall be disposed to take up a new set of
principles in government. In the mean time I design quietly to look to
my shop, and keep as far out of your lordship's influence as possible;
and if you ever see any more of my writings upon this subject, I promise
you shall find them as innocent, as insipid and without a sting as what
I have now offered you. But if your lordship will please to give me an
easy lease of some part of your estate in Yorkshire,[23] thither will I
carry my chest and turning it upside down, resume my political reading
where I left it off; feed on plain homely fare, and live and die a free
honest English farmer: But not without regret for leaving my countrymen
under the dread of the brazen talons of Mr. Wood: My most loyal and
innocent countrymen, to whom I owe so much for their good opinion of me,
and of my poor endeavours to serve them,

I am
  with the greatest respect,
           My Lord
    Your Lordship's most obedient
              and most humble servant,
                                     M.B.


From my shop
in St. Francis-Street,
Dec. 14.
1724.

[Footnote 22: Sir Robert Filmer, the political writer who suffered for
his adhesion to the cause of Charles I. His chief work was published
after his death in 1680. It is entitled, "Patriarcha," and defends the
patriarchal theory of government against the social-compact theory of
Hobbes. Locke vigorously attacked it in his "Two Treatises on
Government" published in 1690.

Jean Bodin, who died in 1596, wrote the "Livres de la Republique," a
remarkable collection of information and speculation on the theoretical
basis of political government. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 23: Molesworth's estate in Yorkshire was at Edlington, near
Tickhill. [T.S.]]




LETTER VII.

AN HUMBLE ADDRESS TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.

BY M.B. DRAPIER.

"Multa gemens ignominiam Plagasque superbi Victoris.--"

[VIRGIL, _Georg. III._, 226-7.]


NOTE.


This letter was published in the fourth volume of the collected edition
of Swift's Works, issued by Faulkner, in Dublin, in 1735. It is there
stated that it was written "before the Lord Carteret came over, and soon
after the fourth Drapier's letter." If Faulkner be correct, and he
probably is, the subject matter of the letter shows that it was not to
be printed until after the agitation had subsided. The letter is in an
entirely different spirit from the other letters, and deals with
suggestions and methods of action for a general righting of the wrongs
under which Ireland was suffering. In matter as well as in manner it is
not a continuation of the contest against Wood, but an effort to send
the people along paths which would lead to their general welfare and
prosperity. As such it properly concludes the Drapier series.

The text of the letter here printed is that of Faulkner collated with
that given in the fifth volume of "Miscellanies," issued in London in.
1735.

[T.S.]




LETTER VII.

AN HUMBLE ADDRESS TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.


I have been told, that petitions and addresses, either to King or
Parliament, are the right of every subject; providing they consist with
that respect, which is due to princes and great assemblies. Neither do I
remember, that the modest proposals, or opinions of private men, have
been ill-received, when they have not been delivered in the style of
advice; which is a presumption far from my thoughts. However, if
proposals should be looked upon as too assuming; yet I hope, every man
may be suffered to declare his own and the nation's wishes. For
instance; I may be allowed to wish, that some further laws were enacted
for the advancement of trade, for the improvement of agriculture, now
strangely neglected, against the maxim of all wise nations: For
supplying the manifest defects in the acts concerning plantation of
trees: For setting the poor to work, and many others.

Upon this principle, I may venture to affirm; it is the hearty wish of
the whole nation, very few excepted; that the Parliament in this session
would begin by strictly examining into the detestable fraud of one
William Wood, now or late of London, hardwareman; who illegally and
clandestinely, as appears by your own votes and addresses, procured a
patent in England, for coining halfpence in that kingdom, to be current
here. This, I say, is the wish of the whole nation, very few excepted;
and upon account of those few, is more strongly and justly the wish of
the rest: Those few consisting either of Wood's confederates, some
obscure tradesmen, or certain bold UNDERTAKERS[1] of weak judgment, and
strong ambition; who think to find their accounts in the ruin of the
nation, by securing or advancing themselves. And, because such men
proceed upon a system of politics, to which I would fain hope you will
be always utter strangers, I shall humbly lay it before you.

[Footnote 1: This was a phrase used in the time of Charles II. to
express those dashing ministers who obtained power by undertaking to
carry through particular favourite measures of the crown. But the Dean
applies it with his usual studied ambiguity, so that it may be explained
as meaning schemers or projectors in general. [S.]]

Be pleased to suppose me in a station of fifteen hundred pounds a year,
salary and perquisites; and likewise possessed of 800_l_. a year, real
estate. Then, suppose a destructive project to be set on foot; such, for
instance, as this of Wood; which if it succeed, in all the consequences
naturally to be expected from it, must sink the rents and wealth of the
kingdom one half, (although I am confident, it would have done so
five-sixths.) Suppose, I conceive that the countenancing, or privately
supporting this project, will please those by whom I expect to be
preserved, or higher exalted. Nothing then remains, but to compute and
balance my gain and my loss, and sum up the whole. I suppose that I
shall keep my employment ten years, (not to mention the fair chance of a
better.) This at 1500_l_. a year, amounts, in ten years, to 15,000_l_.
My estate, by the success of the said project, sinks 400_l_. a year;
which at twenty years' purchase, is but 8000_l_. so that I am a clean
gainer of 7000_l_. upon the balance. And during all that period, I am
possessed of power and credit, can gratify my favourites, and take
vengeance of mine enemies. And if the project miscarry, my private merit
is still entire. This arithmetic, as horrible as it appears, I knowingly
affirm to have been practised, and applied in conjunctures, whereon
depended the ruin or safety of a nation: Although, probably the charity
and virtue of a senate, will hardly be induced to believe, that there
can be such monsters among mankind. And yet, the wise Lord Bacon
mentions a sort of people, (I doubt the race is not yet extinct) who
would "set a house on fire, for the convenience of roasting their own
eggs at the flame."

But whoever is old enough to remember, and hath turned his thoughts to
observe the course of public affairs in this kingdom, from the time of
the Revolution; must acknowledge, that the highest points of interest
and liberty, have been often sacrificed to the avarice and ambition of
particular persons, upon the very principles and arithmetic that I have
supposed: The only wonder is, how these artists were able to prevail
upon numbers; and influence even public assemblies to become instruments
for effecting their execrable designs.

It is, I think, in all conscience, latitude enough for vice, if a man in
station be allowed to act injustice, upon the usual principles of
getting a bribe, wreaking his malice, serving his party, or consulting
his preferment; while his wickedness terminates in the ruin only of
particular persons: But, to deliver up our whole country, and every
living soul who inhabits it, to certain destruction; hath not, as I
remember, been permitted by the most favourable casuists on the side of
corruption. It were far better, that all who have had the misfortune to
be born in this kingdom, should be rendered incapable of holding any
employment whatsoever, above the degree of a constable, (according to
the scheme and intention of a great minister[2] _gone to his own
place_)than to live under the daily apprehension of a few false brethren
among ourselves. Because, in the former case we should be wholly free
from the danger of being betrayed; since none could then have impudence
enough to pretend any public good.

[Footnote 2: The Earl of Sunderland. See note on p. 377 of vol. _v._ of
present edition. [T.S.]]

It is true, that in this desperate affair of the new halfpence, I have
not heard of any man above my own degree of a shopkeeper, to have been
hitherto so bold, as, in direct terms, to vindicate the fatal project;
although I have been told of some very mollifying expressions which were
used, and very gentle expedients proposed and handed about, when it
first came under debate: But, since the eyes of the people have been so
far opened, that the most ignorant can plainly see their own ruin, in
the success of Wood's attempt; these grand compounders have been more
cautious.[3]

[Footnote 3: Alluding to Walpole's overture for reducing the amount to
be coined to ВЈ40,000. [T.S.]]

But that the same spirit still subsists, hath manifestly appeared (among
other instances of great compliance) from certain circumstances, that
have attended some late proceedings in a court of judicature. There is
not any commonplace more frequently insisted on, by those who treat of
our constitution, than the great happiness and excellency of trials by
juries; yet if this blessed part of our law be eludible at pleasure, by
the force of power, frowns, and artifice; we shall have little reason to
boast of our advantage, in this particular, over other states or
kingdoms in Europe. And surely, these high proceedings, exercised in a
point that so nearly concerned the life-blood of the people, their
necessary subsistence, their very food and raiment, and even the public
peace; will not allow any favourable appearance; because it was obvious,
that so much superabundant zeal could have no other design, or produce
any other effect, than to damp that spirit raised in the nation against
this accursed scheme of William Wood, and his abettors; to which spirit
alone, we owe, and for ever must owe, our being hitherto preserved, and
our hopes of being preserved for the future; if it can be kept up, and
strongly countenanced by your wise assemblies. I wish I could account
for such a demeanour upon a more charitable foundation, than that of
putting our interest in over balance with the ruin of our country.

I remember some months ago, when this affair was fresh in discourse; a
person near allied to SOMEBODY, or (as the hawkers called him) NOBODY,
who was thought deeply concerned, went about very diligently among his
acquaintance, to shew the bad consequences that might follow from any
public resentment to the disadvantage of his ally Mr. Wood; principally
alleging the danger of all employments being disposed of from England.
One of these emissaries came to me, and urged the same topic: I
answered, naturally, that I knew there was no office of any kind, which
a man from England might not have, if he thought it worth his asking;
and that I looked upon all who had the disadvantage of being born here,
as only in the condition of leasers and gleaners. Neither could I
forbear mentioning the known fable of the countryman, who entreated his
ass to fly for fear of being taken by the enemy; but the ass refused to
give himself that trouble; and upon a very wise reason, because he could
not possibly change his present master for a worse: The enemy could not
make him fare harder; beat him more cruelly; nor load him with heavier
burthens.

Upon these, and many other considerations, I may affirm it to be the
wish of the whole nation, that the power and privileges of juries were
declared, ascertained, and confirmed by the legislature; and that
whoever hath been manifestly known to violate them, might be stigmatized
by public censure; not from any hope that such a censure will amend
their practices, or hurt their interest, (for it may probably operate
quite contrary in both:) but that the nation may know their enemies from
their friends.

I say not this with any regard or view to myself; for I write in great
security; and am resolved that none shall merit at my expense further
than by shewing their zeal to discover, prosecute, and condemn me, for
endeavouring to do my duty in serving my country: And yet I am conscious
to myself that I never had the least intention to reflect on His
Majesty's ministers, nor on any other person, except William Wood, whom
I neither did, nor do yet conceive to be of that number. However, some
would have it, that I went too far; but I suppose they will now allow
themselves mistaken. I am sure I might easily have gone further; and I
think I could not easily have fared worse. And therefore I was no
further affected with their proclamation, and subsequent proceedings,
than a good clergyman is with the sins of the people. And as to the poor
printer, he is now gone to appear before a higher, and before a
righteous tribunal.

As my intention is only to lay before your great assemblies, the general
wishes of the nation; and as I have already declared it our principal
wish that your first proceeding would be to examine into the pernicious
fraud of William Wood; so I must add, as the universal opinion, that all
schemes of commutation, composition, and the like expedients, either
avowed or implied, will be of the most pernicious consequences to the
public; against the dignity of a free kingdom; and prove an
encouragement to future adventurers in the same destructive projects.
For, it is a maxim, which no man at present disputes, that even a
connivance to admit one thousand pounds in these halfpence, will
produce, in time, the same ruinous effects, as if we openly consented to
admit a million. It were, therefore, infinitely more safe and eligible,
to leave things in the doubtful, melancholy state they are at present,
(which, however, God forbid) and trust entirely to the general aversion
of our people against this coin; using all honest endeavours to
preserve, continue, and increase that aversion, than submit to apply
those palliatives which weak, perfidious, or abject politicians, are,
upon all occasions, and in all diseases, so ready to administer.

In the small compass of my reading, (which, however, hath been more
extensive than is usual to men of my inferior calling) I have observed
that grievances have always preceded supplies; and if ever grievances
had a title to such a pre-eminence, it must be this of Wood; because it
is not only the greatest grievance that any country could suffer, but a
grievance of such a kind that, if it should take effect, would make it
impossible for us to give any supplies at all; except in adulterate
copper; unless a tax were laid for paying the civil and military lists,
and the large pensions, with real commodities instead of money; which,
however, might be liable to some few objections as well as difficulties:
For although the common soldiers might be content with beef and mutton,
and wool, and malt, and leather; yet I am in some doubt as to the
generals, the colonels, the numerous pensioners, the civil officers, and
others, who all live in England upon Irish pay; as well as those few who
reside among us only because they cannot help it.

There is one particular, which although I have mentioned more than once
in some of my former papers, yet I cannot forbear to repeat, and a
little enlarge upon it; because I do not remember to have read or heard
of the like in the history of any age or country; neither do I ever
reflect upon it without the utmost astonishment.

After the unanimous addresses to his Sacred Majesty, against this patent
of Wood, from both Houses of Parliament, which are the three estates of
the kingdom; and likewise an address from the Privy-council, to whom,
under the chief governors, the whole administration is entrusted; the
matter is referred to a committee of council in London. Wood, and his
adherents, are heard on one side; and a few volunteers, without any
trust or direction from hence, on the other. The question (as I
remember) chiefly turned upon the want of halfpence in Ireland:
Witnesses are called on the behalf of Wood (of what credit I have
formerly shewn :) Upon the issue the patent is found good and legal; all
His Majesty's officers here, (not excepting the military) commanded to
be aiding and assisting to make it effectual. The addresses of both
Houses of Parliament, of the Privy-council; and of the city of Dublin:
The declarations of most counties and corporations through the kingdom,
are altogether laid aside, as of no weight, consequence, or
consideration whatsoever: And the whole kingdom of Ireland nonsuited, in
default of appearance; as if it were a private cause between John Doe,
plaintiff, and William Roe, defendant.

With great respect to those-honourable persons, the committee of council
in London, I have not understood them to be our governors, councillors,
or judges. Neither did our case turn at all upon the question, whether
Ireland wanted halfpence or no. For there is no doubt, but we do want
both halfpence, gold, and silver; and we have numberless other wants,
and some that we are not so much as allowed to name; although they are
peculiar to this nation; to which no other is subject, whom God hath
blessed with religion and laws, or any degree of soil and sunshine: But,
for what demerits on our side, I am altogether in the dark.

But, I do not remember, that our want of halfpence was either affirmed,
or denied in any of our addresses or declarations, against those of
Wood: We alleged, the fraudulent obtaining and executing his patent, the
baseness of his metal, the prodigious sum to be coined, which might be
increased by stealth, from foreign importation and his own counterfeits,
as well as those at home; whereby we must infallibly lose all our little
gold and silver, and all our poor remainder of a very limited and
discouraged trade: We urged, that the patent was passed without the
least reference hither; and without mention of any security given by
Wood, to receive his own halfpence upon demand; both which are contrary
to all former proceedings in the like cases. These, and many other
arguments we offered; but still the patent went on, and at this day our
ruin would have been half completed; if God, in His mercy, had not
raised an universal detestation of these halfpence, in the whole
kingdom; with a firm resolution never to receive them; since we are not
under obligations to do so by any law, either human or divine.

But, in the Name of God, and of all justice and piety; when the King's
Majesty was pleased that this patent should pass; is it not to be
understood, that he conceived, believed, and intended it as a gracious
act, for the good and benefit of his subjects, for the advantage of a
great and fruitful kingdom; of the most loyal kingdom upon earth, where
no hand or voice was ever lifted up against him; a kingdom where the
passage is not of three hours from Britain; and a kingdom where Papists
have less power, and less land, than in England? Can it be denied, or
doubted, that His Majesty's ministers understood and proposed the same
end, the good of this nation, when they advised the passing this patent?
Can the person of Wood be otherwise regarded, than as the instrument,
the mechanic, the head-workman, to prepare his furnace, his fuel, his
metal, and his stamps? If I employ a shoe-boy, is it in view to his
advantage, or to my own convenience? I mention the person of William
Wood alone, because no other appears, and we are not to reason upon
surmises; neither would it avail, if they had a real foundation.

Allowing therefore, (for we cannot do less) that this patent, for the
coining of halfpence, was wholly intended, by a gracious king, and a
wise public-spirited ministry, for the advantage of Ireland; yet when
the whole kingdom to a man, for whose good the patent was designed, do,
upon maturest consideration, universally join, in openly declaring,
protesting, addressing, petitioning, against these halfpence, as the
most ruinous project that ever was set on foot, to complete the slavery
and destruction of a poor innocent country: Is it, was it, can it, or
will it ever be a question, not whether such a kingdom, or William Wood,
should be a gainer; but whether such a kingdom should be wholly undone,
destroyed, sunk, depopulated, made a scene of misery and desolation, for
the sake of William Wood? God, of His infinite mercy, avert this
dreadful judgment; and it is our universal wish, that God would put it
into your hearts to be His instruments for so good a work.

For my own part, who am but one man, of obscure condition, I do solemnly
declare, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will suffer the most
ignominious and torturing death, rather than submit to receive this
accursed coin, or any other that shall be liable to the same objections,
until they shall be forced upon me, by a law of my own country; and if
that shall ever happen, I will transport myself into some foreign land,
and eat the bread of poverty among a free people.

Am I legally punishable for these expressions? Shall another
proclamation issue against me, because I presume to take my country's
part against William Wood; where her final destruction is intended? But,
whenever you shall please to impose silence upon me, I will submit;
because, I look upon your unanimous voice to be the voice of the nation;
and this I have been taught, and do believe to be, in some manner, the
voice of God.

The great ignominy of a whole kingdom, lying so long at mercy, under so
vile an adversary, is such a deplorable aggravation, that the utmost
expressions of shame and rage, are too low to set it forth; and
therefore, I shall leave it to receive such a resentment, as is worthy
of a parliament.

It is likewise our universal wish, that His Majesty would grant liberty
to coin halfpence in this kingdom, for our own use; under such
restrictions as a parliament here shall advise: Since the power of
coining even gold and silver, is possessed by every petty prince abroad;
and was always practised by Scotland, to the very time of the Union; yet
surely Scotland, as to soil, climate, and extent, is not, in itself, a
fourth part the value of Ireland; (for Bishop Burnet says, it is not
above a fortieth part in value, to the rest of Britain) and with respect
to the profit that England gains from hence, not the forty thousandth
part. Although I must confess, that a mote in the eye, or a thorn in the
side, is more dangerous and painful than a beam, or a spike at a
distance.

The histories of England, and of most other countries, abound in
relating the miserable, and sometimes the most tragical effects, from
the abuses of coin; by debasing the metal, by lessening, or enhancing
the value upon occasions, to the public loss; of which we have an
example, within our own memory in England, and another very lately in
France. It is the tenderest point of government, affecting every
individual, in the highest degree. When the value of money is arbitrary,
or unsettled; no man can well be said to have any property at all; nor
is any wound so suddenly felt, so hardly cured, or that leaves such deep
and lasting scars behind it.

I conceive this poor unhappy island, to have a title to some indulgence
from England; not only upon the score of Christianity, natural equity,
and the general rights of mankind; but chiefly on account of that
immense profit they receive from us; without which, that kingdom would
make a very different figure in Europe, from what it doth at present.

The rents of land in Ireland, since they have been of late so enormously
raised, and screwed up, may be computed to about two millions; whereof
one-third part, at least, is directly transmitted to those, who are
perpetual absentees in England; as I find by a computation made with the
assistance of several skilful gentlemen.

The other articles by which we are altogether losers, and England a
gainer; we found to amount to almost as much more. I will only set down
as many heads of them as I can remember; and leave them to the
consideration of those, who understand accounts better than I pretend to
do.

The occasional absentees, for business, health, or diversion.

Three-fourths of the revenue of the chief governor, during his absence;
which is usually four-fifths of his government.

The whole revenue of the post-office.

The numerous pensions paid to persons in England.

The pay of the chief officers of the army absent in England, which is a
great sum.

Four commissioners of the revenue, always absent.

Civil employments very numerous, and of great income.

The vast charge of appeals to the House of Lords, and to the Court of
Delegates.

Students at the Inns of Court, and the two Universities.

Eighty thousand pounds sent yearly to England, for coals; whereof the
prime cost is nothing; and therefore, the profit wholly theirs.

One hundred thousand pounds paid several years past, for corn sent over
hither from England; the effect of our own great wisdom in discouraging
agriculture.

The kind liberty granted us of wearing Indian stuffs, and calicoes, to
gratify the vanity and folly of our women; which, beside the profit to
England, is an unconceivable loss to us; forcing the weavers to beg in
our streets, or transport themselves to foreign countries.

The prodigious loss to us, and gain to England, by selling them all our
wool at their own rates; whereof the manufacture exceeds above ten times
the prime cost: A proceeding without example in the Christian or heathen
world.

Our own wool returned upon us, in English manufactures, to our infinite
shame and damage; and the great advantage of England.

The full profit of all our mines accruing to England; an effect of great
negligence and stupidity.

An affectation among us, of liking all kinds of goods made in England.

NOTE, Many of the above articles have been since particularly computed
by another writer, to whose treatise the reader is referred.[4]

[Footnote 4: The work referred to is "A List of the Absentees of
Ireland, and the yearly value of their estates and Incomes spent
abroad," by Thomas Prior, Esq. Prior was a native of Ireland and the
schoolfellow and life-long friend of Berkeley, the philosopher. In
concert with Samuel Madden and other friends, he founded, in 1731, the
Dublin Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, Manufactures, Arts and
Sciences. This society was the parent of the present Royal Dublin
Society. His "List of the Absentees of Ireland" was published in 1729.
He also issued "Observations on Coin" (1730), and "An Authentic
Narrative of the Success of Tar Water in Curing a great number and
variety of Distempers" (1746), to which Berkeley contributed. [T.S.]]

These and many other articles, which I cannot recollect at present, are
agreed by judicious men to amount to near seven hundred thousand pounds
_per ann_. clear profit to England. And, upon the whole, let any man
look into those authors who write upon the subject of commerce, he shall
find, that there is not one single article in the essentials, or
circumstances of trade, whereby a country can be a loser, which we do
not possess in the highest perfection; somewhat, in every particular,
that bears a kind of analogy to William Wood; and now the branches are
all cut off, he stands ready with his axe at the root.

Upon this subject of perpetual absentees, I have spent some time in very
insignificant reflections; and considering the usual motives of human
actions, which are pleasure, profit, and ambition, I cannot yet
comprehend how those persons find their account in any of the three. I
speak not of those English peers or gentlemen, who, beside their estates
at home, have possessions here; for, in that case, the matter is
desperate; but I mean those lords, and wealthy knights, or squires,
whose birth, and partly their education, and all their fortune (except
some trifle, and that in very few instances) are in this kingdom. I knew
many of them well enough, during several years, when I resided in
England; and truly I could not discover that the figure they made was,
by any means, a subject for envy; at least it gave me two very different
passions: For, excepting the advantage of going now and then to an
opera, or sometimes appearing behind a crowd at Court; or adding to the
ring of coaches in Hyde Park, or losing their money at the Chocolate
House; or getting news, votes, and minutes, about five days before us in
Dublin, I say, besides these, and a few other privileges of less
importance, their temptations to live in London, were beyond my
knowledge or conception. And I used to wonder, how a man of birth and
spirit, could endure to be wholly insignificant and obscure in a foreign
country, when he might live with lustre in his own; and even at less
than half that expense, which he strains himself to make, without
obtaining any one end; except that which happened to the frog when he
would needs contend for size with the ox. I have been told by scholars,
that Caesar said, he would rather be the first man, in I know not what
village, than the second in Rome. This, perhaps, was a thought only fit
for Caesar: But to be preceded by thousands, and neglected by millions;
to be wholly without power, figure, influence, honour, credit, or
distinction, is not, in my poor opinion, a very amiable situation of
life, to a person of title, or wealth, who can so cheaply and easily
shine in his native country.

But, besides the depopulating of the kingdom, the leaving so many parts
of it wild and uncultivated, the ruin of so many country-seats and
plantations, the cutting down all the woods to supply expenses in
England; the absence of so many noble and wealthy persons, hath been the
cause of another fatal consequence, which few perhaps have been aware
of. For if that very considerable number of lords, who possess the
amplest fortunes here, had been content to live at home, and attend the
affairs of their own country in Parliament; the weight, reputation, and
dignity thereby added to that noble House, would, in all human
probability, have prevented certain proceedings, which are now ever to
be lamented; because they never can be remedied: And we might have then
decided our own properties among ourselves, without being forced to
travel five hundred miles by sea and land, to another kingdom, for
justice; to our infinite expense, vexation, and trouble: Which is a mark
of servitude without example, from the practice of any age or nation in
the world.

I have sometimes wondered, upon what motive the peerage of England were
so desirous to determine our controversies; because I have been assured,
and partly know, that the frequent appeals from hence, have been very
irksome to that illustrious body; and whoever hath frequented the
Painted Chamber, and Court of Requests, must have observed, that they
are never so nobly filled, as when an Irish appeal is under debate.

The peers of Scotland, who are very numerous, were content to reside in
their castles and houses, in that bleak and barren climate; and although
some of them made frequent journeys to London, yet I do not remember any
of their greatest families, till very lately, to have made England their
constant habitation, before the Union: Or, if they did, I am sure it was
generally to their own advantage; and whatever they got, was employed to
cultivate and increase their own estates; and by that means enrich
themselves and their country.

As to the great number of rich absentees, under the degree of peers;
what particular ill effects their absence may have upon this kingdom,
besides those already mentioned, may perhaps be too tender a point for
me to touch. But whether those who live in another kingdom, upon great
estates here; and have lost all regards to their own country, further
than upon account of the revenues they receive from it: I say, whether
such persons may not be prevailed on to recommend others to vacant
seats, who have no interest here, except a precarious employment; and
consequently can have no views, but to preserve what they have got, or
to be higher advanced: This, I am sure, is a very melancholy question,
if it be a question at all.

But, besides the prodigious profit which England receives by the
transmittal thither of two-thirds of the revenues of this whole kingdom;
it hath another mighty advantage by making our country a receptacle,
wherein to disburthen themselves of their supernumerary pretenders to
offices; persons of second-rate merit in their own country; who, like
birds of passage, most of them thrive and fatten here, and fly off when
their credit and employments are at an end. So that Ireland may justly
say what Luther said of himself; POOR Ireland maketh many rich.

If amidst all our difficulties, I should venture to assert, that we have
one great advantage, provided we could improve it as we ought; I believe
most of my readers would be long in conjecturing what possible advantage
could ever fall to our share. However, it is certain, that all the
regular seeds of party and faction among us are entirely rooted out, and
if any new ones shall spring up, they must be of equivocal generation,
without any seed at all; and will justly be imputed to a degree of
stupidity beyond even what we have been ever charged with upon the score
of our birth-place and climate.

The parties in this kingdom (including those of modern date) are, First,
of those who have been charged or suspected to favour the Pretender; and
those who were zealous opposers of him. Secondly, of those who were for
and against a toleration of Dissenters by law. Thirdly, of High and Low
Church; or, (to speak in the cant of the times) of Whig and Tory: And,
Fourthly, of court and country. If there be any more, they are beyond my
observation or politics: For as to subaltern or occasional parties, they
have all been derivations from the same originals.

Now, it is manifest, that all these incitements to faction, party, and
division are wholly removed from among us. For, as to the Pretender, his
cause is both desperate and obsolete: There are very few now alive who
were _men_ in his father's time, and in that prince's interest; and in
all others, the obligation of conscience hath no place;[5] even the
Papists in general, of any substance, or estates, and their priests
almost universally, are what we call Whigs in the sense which by that
word is generally understood. They feel the smart, and see the scars of
their former wounds; and very well know, that they must be made a
sacrifice to the least attempts towards a change; although it cannot be
doubted, that they would be glad to have their superstition restored,
under any prince whatsoever.

[Footnote 5: That is to say, they had not sworn any allegiance to him.
[T.S.]]

Secondly, The Dissenters are now tolerated by law; neither do we observe
any murmurs at present from that quarter, except those reasonable
complaints they make of persecution, because they are excluded from
civil employments; but their number being very small in either House of
Parliament, they are not yet in a situation to erect a party: Because,
however indifferent men may be with regard to religion, they are now
grown wise enough to know, that if such a latitude were allowed to
Dissenters; the few small employments left us in cities and
corporations, would find other hands to lay hold on them.

Thirdly, The dispute between High and Low Church is now at an end;
two-thirds of the bishops having been promoted in this reign, and most
of them from England, who have bestowed all preferments in their gift to
those they could well confide in: The deaneries all except three, and
many principal church-livings, are in the donation of the crown: So that
we already possess such a body of clergy as will never engage in
controversy upon that antiquated and exploded subject.

Lastly, As to court and country parties, so famous and avowed under most
reigns in English Parliaments: This kingdom hath not, for several years
past been a proper scene whereon to exercise such contentions; and is
now less proper than ever; many great employments for life being in
distant hands, and the reversions diligently watched and secured; the
temporary ones of any inviting value are all bestowed elsewhere as fast
as they drop; and the few remaining, are of too low consideration to
create contests about them, except among younger brothers, or tradesmen
like myself. And, therefore, to institute a court and country party
without materials, would be a very new system in politics, and what I
believe was never thought on before; nor, unless in a nation of idiots,
can ever succeed. For the most ignorant Irish cottager will not sell his
cow for a groat.

Therefore, I conclude, that all party and faction, with regard to public
proceedings, are now extinguished in this kingdom; neither doth it
appear in view how they can possibly revive; unless some new causes be
administered; which cannot be done without crossing the interests of
those who are greatest gainers by continuing the same measures. And,
general calamities without hope of redress, are allowed to be the great
uniters of mankind.

However we may dislike the causes; yet this effect of begetting an
universal concord among us in all national debates, as well as in
cities, corporations, and country neighbourhoods, may keep us at least
alive, and in a condition to eat the little bread allowed us in peace
and amity. I have heard of a quarrel in a tavern, where all were at
daggers-drawing, till one of the company cried out, desiring to know the
subject of the quarrel; which, when none of them could tell, they put up
their swords, sat down, and passed the rest of the evening in quiet. The
former part hath been our case; I hope the latter will be so too; that
we shall sit down amicably together, at least until we have something
that may give us a title to fall out; since nature hath instructed even
a brood of goslings to stick together while the kite is hovering over
their heads.

It is certain, that a firm union in any country, where every man wishes
the same thing with relation to the public, may, in several points of
the greatest importance, in some measure, supply the defect of power;
and even of those rights which are the natural and undoubted inheritance
of mankind. If the universal wish of the nation upon any point, were
declared by the unanimous vote of the House of Commons, and a reasonable
number of Lords; I should think myself obliged in conscience to act in
my sphere according to that vote; because, in all free nations, I take
the proper definition of law to be the will of the majority of those who
have the property in land; which, if there be a monarchy, is to be
confirmed by the royal assent. And, although such votes or declarations
have not received such a confirmation, for certain accidental reasons;
yet I think they ought to be of much weight with the subject; provided
they neither oppose the King's prerogative, endanger the peace of the
nation, nor infringe any law already in force; none of which, however,
can reasonably be supposed. Thus, for instance, if nine in ten of the
House of Commons, and a reasonable number of native temporal peers,
should declare, that whoever received or uttered brass coin, except
under certain limitations and securities, should be deemed as enemies to
the King and the nation; I should think it a heinous sin in myself to
act contrary to such a vote: And, if the same power should declare the
same censure against those who wore Indian stuffs and calicoes, or
woollen manufactures imported from abroad, whereby this nation is
reduced to the lowest ebb of misery; I should readily, heartily, and
cheerfully pay obedience; and to my utmost power persuade others to do
the like: Because, there is no law of this land obliging us either to
receive such coin, or to wear such foreign manufactures.