While the Earl of Strafford stayed at The Hague, he discovered that an
emissary of the Duke of Marlborough's had been there some days before,
sent by his grace to dissuade the Dutch from signing at the same time
with the ministers of the Queen, which, in England, would at least have
the appearance of a separate peace, and oblige their British friends,
who knew how to turn so short a delay to very good account, as well as
gratify the Emperor; on whom, it was alleged, they ought to rely much
more than on Her Majesty. One of the States likewise told the Earl,
"That the same person, employed by the Duke, was then in conference with
the magistrates of Rotterdam (which town had declared for the
continuance of the war), to assure them, if they would hold off a
little, they should see an unexpected turn in the British Parliament:
That the Duke of Marlborough had a list of the discontented members in
both Houses, who were ready to turn against the court; and, to crown
all, that his grace had certain intelligence of the Queen being in so
ill a state of health, as made it impossible for her to live above six
weeks." So restless and indefatigable is avarice and ambition, when
inflamed by a desire of revenge.

But representations, which had been so often tried, were now offered too
late. Most of the allies, except the Emperor, were willing to put an end
to the war upon Her Majesty's plan; and the further delay of three weeks
must be chiefly imputed to that litigious manner of treating, peculiar
to the French; whose plenipotentiaries at Utrecht insisted with
obstinacy upon many points, which at Paris Mons. de Torcy had given up.

The Emperor expected to keep all he already possessed in Italy; that
Port Longue,[32] on the Tuscan coast, should be delivered to him by
France; and, lastly, that he should not be obliged to renounce Spain.
But the Queen, as well as France, thought that his Imperial Majesty
ought to sit down contented with his partage of Naples and Milan; and to
restore those territories in Italy, which he had taken from the rightful
proprietors, and by the possession of which he was grown dangerous to
the Italian princes, by reviving antiquated claims upon them.

[Footnote 32: Portolongone, in the island of Elba, opposite the Tuscan
coast. [W.S.J.]]

This Prince had likewise objected to Her Majesty's expedient of
suffering the Elector of Bavaria to retain Luxembourg, under certain
conditions, by way of security, until his electorate were restored. But
the Queen, supposing that these affected delays were intended only with
a view of continuing the war, resolved to defer the peace no longer on
the Emperor's account.

In the middle of March, one thousand seven hundred and twelve-thirteen,
a courier arrived at Utrecht from France, with the plan of a general
peace, as it had been agreed between the Duke of Shrewsbury and Mons. de
Torcy; wherein every particular, relating to the interests and
pretensions of the several allies, was brought so near to what each of
them would accept, that the British plenipotentiaries  hoped the peace
would be general in ten or twelve days. The Portuguese and Dutch were
already prepared, and others were daily coming in, by means of their
lordships' good offices, who found Mons. Mesnager and his colleague very
stubborn to the last. Another courier was dispatched to France, upon
some disputes about inserting the titles of Her Majesty and the Most
Christian King, and to bring a general plan for the interests of those
allies, who should not be ready against the time prefixed. The French
renunciations were now arrived at Utrecht, and it was agreed, that
those, as well as that of the King of Spain, should be inserted at
length in every treaty, by which means the whole confederacy would
become guaranties of them.

The courier, last sent to France, returned to Utrecht on the
twenty-seventh of March, with the concessions of that court upon every
necessary point; so that, all things being ready for putting a period to
this great and difficult work, the lord privy seal and the Earl of
Strafford gave notice to the ministers of the several allies, "That
their lordships had appointed Tuesday the thirty-first instant, wherein
to sign a treaty of peace, and a treaty of commerce, between the Queen
of Great Britain, their mistress, and the Most Christian King; and hoped
the said allies would be prepared, at the same time, to follow their
example." Accordingly their lordships employed the three intervening
days, in smoothing the few difficulties that remained between the French
ministers and those of the several confederate powers.

The important day being now come, the Lord Bishop of Bristol and the
Earl of Strafford, having assumed the character of ambassadors
extraordinary,[33] gave a memorial in behalf of the French Protestants
to the Maréchal d'Uxelles and his colleague, who were to transmit it to
their court; and these delivered to the British ambassadors a
declaration in writing, that the Pretender was actually gone out of
France.

[Footnote 33: To avoid the parade of ceremony, they had hitherto been
considered only as _plenipotentiaries_. [N.]]

The conditions of peace to be allowed the Emperor and the empire, as
adjusted between Britain and France, were now likewise delivered to the
Count Zinzendorf. These and some other previous matters of smaller
consequence being finished, the treaties of peace and commerce between
Her Majesty of Britain and the Most Christian King, were signed at the
lord privy seal's house between two and three of the clock in the
afternoon. The ministers of the Duke of Savoy signed about an hour
after. Then the assembly adjourned to the Earl of Stafford's, where they
all went to dinner; and about nine at night the peace was signed by the
ministers of Portugal, by those of Prussia at eleven, and when it was
near midnight by the States.

Thus after all the opposition raised by a strong party in France, and by
a virulent faction in Britain; after all the artifices of those who
presided at The Hague, and, for their private interest, endeavoured, in
conjunction with their friends in England, to prolong the war; after the
restless endeavours of the imperial court to render the treaty
ineffectual; the firm steady conduct of the Queen, the wisdom and
courage of her ministry, and the abilities of those whom she employed in
her negotiations abroad, prevailed to have a peace signed in one day by
every power concerned, except that of the Emperor and the empire; for
his Imperial Majesty liked his situation too well to think of a peace,
while the drudgery and expenses of the war lay upon other shoulders, and
the advantages were to redound only to himself.

During this whole negotiation, the King of Spain, who was not
acknowledged by any of the confederates, had consequently no minister at
Utrecht; but the differences between Her Majesty and that prince were
easily settled by the Lord Lexington at Madrid, and the Marquis of
Monteleon here: so that upon the Duke d'Ossuna's arrival at the
congress, some days after the peace, he was ready to conclude a treaty
between the Queen and his master. Neither is it probable that the Dutch,
or any other ally, except the Emperor, will encounter any difficulties
of moment, to retard their several treaties with his Catholic Majesty.

The treaties of peace and commerce between Britain and France, were
ratified here on the seventh of April; on the twenty-eighth the
ratifications were exchanged; and on the fifth of May the peace was
proclaimed in the usual manner; but with louder acclamations, and more
extraordinary rejoicings of the people, than had ever been remembered on
the like occasion.[34]

[Footnote: 34  The treaty was brought to England by George St. John,
Bolingbroke's young brother, who arrived with it in London on Good
Friday, 3rd April, 1713. [T.S.]]


[It need hardly be observed, that this history is left incomplete by
the author. [S.] Sir Walter Scott's note hardly agrees with Swift's own
statement to Stella. Writing under date May 16th, 1713, he says: "I have
just finished my Treatise, and must be ten days correcting it." It is
evident that Swift did not intend to write a "History of the Four Last
Years of Queen Anne's Reign." A better title for this work would be the
title originally given it, namely, "History of the Peace of Utrecht." In
the letter already quoted from Erasmus Lewis, Swift's account of the
negotiations for the peace are thus remarked upon: "That part of it
which relates to the negotiations of peace, whether at London or at
Utrecht, they admire exceedingly, and declare they never yet saw that,
or any other transaction, drawn up with so much perspicuity, or in a
style so entertaining and instructive to the reader in every respect."
[T.S.]]


*****       *****       *****       *****       *****




AN ABSTRACT

OF THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

FROM THE INVASION OF IT BY JULIUS CAESAR

TO THE REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND.


NOTE.

The Abstract of the History of England here reprinted calls for little
or no comment. It is but a dry relation of events with no touch in the
recital of any of those qualities which characterize Swift's writings.
The facts were evidently obtained from the old chroniclers. What object
Swift had in writing this Abstract is not known. If the dedication to
the Count de Gyllenborg truly states his intention, it must be confessed
that the "foreigners, and gentlemen of our own country" had not much
upon which to congratulate themselves. Why Swift should have chosen the
Count de Gyllenborg to whom to address the dedication must also remain a
matter for conjecture. The Count had been sent out of the British Isles
for instigating a conspiracy for a Jacobite insurrection in Great
Britain. Swift wrote his dedication three years after the Count's
expulsion. Knowing that the Count's master, Charles XII. of Sweden, had
been a party to the plot, he yet writes in a most amiable tone of
friendliness towards both, with a parenthetical sneer at "his present
Britannic Majesty." Undoubtedly this dedication might easily and fairly
be taken as strong presumptive evidence of a leaning on Swift's part
towards the Pretender. It will, however, be more truly interpreted, if
it be considered as an expression of contempt for the King of England
and the ministry in power.

The text of the present reprint is that given by Deane Swift from his
edition of his kinsman's works issued in 1765 and 1768 (4to edit, vols.
viii. and xiii.). Deane Swift thought that the narratives of Rufus,
Henry I. and Stephen, would "appear to be such a model of English
history, as will make all men of taste, and especially foreigners,
regret that he pursued his plan no further."

[T.S.]


TO THE COUNT DE GYLLENBORG.[1]

[Footnote 1: Charles, Count Gyllenborg (1679-1746), was Swedish
Ambassador at London 1710-16. He then joined in a Jacobite plot, was
arrested in January, 1716-7, and expelled the kingdom in August, 1717.
He afterwards filled high offices in his own country. [W.S.J.]]

Dublin in Ireland, Nov. 2, 1719.

SIR,

It is now about sixteen years since I first entertained the design of
writing a History of England, from the beginning of William Rufus to the
end of Queen Elizabeth; such a History, I mean, as appears to be most
wanted by foreigners, and gentlemen of our own country; not a voluminous
work, nor properly an abridgement, but an exact relation of the most
important affairs and events, without any regard to the rest. My
intention was to inscribe it to the King[2] your late master, for whose
great virtues I had ever the highest veneration, as I shall continue to
bear to his memory. I confess it is with some disdain that I observe
great authors descending to write any dedications at all: and for my own
part, when I looked round on all the princes of Europe, I could think of
none who might deserve that distinction from me, besides the King your
master; (for I say nothing of his present Britannic Majesty, to whose
person and character I am an utter stranger, and like to continue so)
neither can I be suspected of flattery on this point, since it was some
years after that I had the honour of an invitation to his court, before
you were employed as his minister in England, which I heartily repent
that I did not accept; whereby, as you can be my witness, I might have
avoided some years' uneasiness and vexation, during the last four years
of our late excellent Queen, as well as a long melancholy prospect
since, in a most obscure disagreeable country, and among a most
profligate and abandoned people.

[Footnote 2: Charles XII., King of Sweden, who was killed in 1718. [D.
S.]]

I was diverted from pursuing this History, partly by the extreme
difficulty, but chiefly by the indignation I conceived at the
proceedings of a faction, which then prevailed; and the papers lay
neglected in my cabinet until you saw me in England; when you know how
far I was engaged in thoughts and business of another kind. Upon Her
Majesty's lamented death, I returned to my station in this kingdom;
since which time there is not a northern curate among you who hath lived
more obscure than myself, or a greater stranger to the commonest
transactions of the world. It is but very lately that I found the
following papers, which I had almost forgotten. I publish them now, for
two reasons; first, for an encouragement to those who have more
youth,[3] and leisure, and good temper than I, towards pursuing the work
as far as it was intended by me, or as much further as they please; the
second reason is, to have an opportunity of declaring the profound
respect I have for the memory of your royal master, and the sincere
regard and friendship I bear to yourself; for I must bring to your mind
how proud I was to distinguish you among all the foreign ministers, with
whom I had the honour to be acquainted. I am a witness of the zeal you
shewed not only for the honour and interest of your master, but for the
advantage of the Protestant religion in Germany, and how knowingly and
feelingly you often spoke to me upon that subject. We all loved you, as
possessed of every quality that could adorn an English gentleman, and
esteemed you as a faithful subject to your prince, and an able
negotiator; neither shall any reverse of fortune have power to lessen
you either in my friendship or esteem: and I must take leave to assure
you further, that my affection towards persons hath not been at all
diminished by the frown of power upon them. Those whom you and I once
thought great and good men, continue still so in my eyes and my heart;
only with a * * * * * *

_Caetera desiderantur_.

[Footnote 3: The author was then in his fifty-second year. [D.S.]]


  AN ABSTRACT OF THE HISTORY
  OF ENGLAND,
  FROM THE INVASION OF IT BY JULIUS CAESAR
  TO WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.


  Britons.
  Heathens.

The most ancient account we have of Britain is, that the island was full
of inhabitants, divided into several petty kingdoms, as most nations of
the world appear to have been at first. The bodies of the Britons were
painted with a sky-coloured blue, either as an ornament or else for
terror to their enemies. In their religion they were heathens, as all
the world was before Christ, except the Jews.

  Druids.

Their priests were called Druids: These lived in hollow trees, and
committed not their mysteries to writing, but delivered them down by
tradition, whereby they were in time wholly lost.

The Britons had wives in common, so many to a particular tribe or
society, and the children were in common to that society.

About fifty years before Christ, Julius Caesar, the first Roman Emperor,
having conquered Gaul or France, invaded Britain rather to increase his
glory than conquests; for having overcome the natives in one or two
battles, he returned.

  Claudius.
  Nero.

The next invasion of Britain by the Romans (then masters of most of the
known world) was in the reign of the Emperor Claudius; but it was not
wholly subdued till that of Nero. It was governed by lieutenants, or
deputies, sent from Rome, as Ireland is now by deputies from England;
and continued thus under the Romans for about 460 years; till that
empire being invaded by the Goths and Vandals, the Romans were forced
not only to recall their own armies, but also to draw from hence the
bravest of the Britons, for their assistance against those barbarians.

  Picts.
  Picts' Wall.

The Roman conquests in this island reached no further northward than to
that part of Scotland where Stirling and Glasgow are seated: The region
beyond was held not worth the conquering: It was inhabited by a
barbarous people, called Caledonians and Picts; who, being a rough
fierce nation, daily infested the British borders. Therefore the Emperor
Severus built a wall, from Stirling to Glasgow, to prevent the invasions
of the Picts: It is commonly called the Picts' Wall.

  A.D. 455. Saxons.

These Picts and Caledonians, or Scots, encouraged by the departure of
the Romans, do now cruelly infest and invade the Britons by sea and
land: The Britons choose Vortigern for their king, who was forced to
invite the Saxons (a fierce Northern people) to assist him against those
barbarians. The Saxons came over, and beat the Picts in several battles;
but, at last, pick quarrels with the Britons themselves; and, after a
long war, drive them into the mountains of Wales and Cornwall, and
establish themselves in seven kingdoms in Britain, (by them now called
England). These seven kingdoms are usually styled the Saxon Heptarchy.

  A.D. 460. Arthur.

About this time lived King Arthur (if the whole story be not a fable)
who was so famous for beating the Saxons in several battles.

  A.D. 600. Austin.

The Britons received Christianity very early, and, as is reported, from
some of the Disciples themselves: So that, when the Romans left Britain,
the Britons were generally Christians. But the Saxons were heathens,
till Pope Gregory the Great sent over hither Austin the monk, by whom
Ethelbert king of the South-Saxons, and his subjects, were converted to
Christianity; and the whole island soon followed the example.

  A.D. 819. Egbert.

[Footnote 4: The edition of 1765 gives the date as 819, but according to
Dr. Stubbs, Egbert became _bretwalda_ in 828. [W.S.J.]]

After many various revolutions in this island among the kingdoms of the
Saxons, Egbert, descended from the West-Saxon kings, became sole monarch
of England.

  Angles.

The language in Britain was British, (now called Welsh) or Latin; but,
with the Saxons, English came in (although extremely different from what
it is now). The present names of towns, shires, &c. were given by them;
and the whole kingdom was called England from the Angles, who were a
branch of the Saxons.

  Danes.

As soon as the Saxons were settled, the Danes began to trouble and
invade them, as they (the Saxons) had before done the Britons.

These Danes came out of Germany, Denmark, and Norway, a rough warlike
people, little different from the Saxons to whom they were nigh
neighbours.

  Edgar.

After many invasions from the Danes, Edgar King of England sets forth
the first navy. He was entitled King of all Albion, (an old name of this
island) and was the first absolute monarch.

He made peace with the Danes, and allowed them to live in his dominions
mixed with the English.

In this prince's time there were five kings in Wales, who all did him
homage for their country.

  A.D. 978. Danes massacred.

These Danes began first to make their invasions here about the year 800,
which they after renewed at several times, and under several leaders,
and were as often repulsed. They used to come with vast numbers of
ships, burn and ravage before them, as the cities of London, Winchester,
&c. Encouraged by success and prey, they often wintered in England,
fortifying themselves in the northern parts, from whence they cruelly
infested the Saxon kings. In process of time they mixed with the English
(as was said before) and lived under the Saxon government: But Ethelred,
then King of England, growing weary of the Danish insolence, a
conspiracy is formed, and the Danes are massacred in one day all over
England.

  Sweyn.

Four years after, Sweyn, King of Denmark, to revenge the death of his
subjects, invades England; and, after battles fought and much cruelty
exercised, he subdues the whole kingdom, forcing Ethelred to fly into
Normandy.

  Canutus.

Sweyn dying, his son Canutus succeeds in the kingdom; but Ethelred
returning with an army, Canutus is forced to withdraw to Denmark for
succour.

Ethelred dies, and his son Edmond Ironside succeeds; but, Canutus
returning with fresh forces from Denmark, after several battles, the
kingdom is parted between them both. Edmond dying, his sons are sent
beyond sea by Canutus, who now is sole King of England.

  King's evil.

Hardicanute, the last Danish king, dying without issue, Edward, son of
Ethelred, is chosen king. For his great holiness, he was surnamed the
Confessor, and sainted after his death. He was the first of our princes
that attempted to cure the king's evil by touching. He first introduced
what is now called the Common Law. In his time began the mode and
humour among the English gentry, of using the French tongue and
fashions, in compliance with the king, who had been bred up in Normandy.

The Danish government in England lasted but twenty-six years, under
three kings.

  Harold.

Edward the Confessor married the daughter of Earl Godwin, an English
nobleman of great power, but of Danish extraction; but, wanting issue,
he appointed Edgar Atheling, grandson to his brother, to succeed him,
and Harold, son of Earl Godwin, to be governor of the young prince. But,
upon Edward's death, Harold neglected Edgar Atheling, and usurped the
crown for himself.

Edward, while he was in Normandy, met so good reception, that it was
said he made a promise to that duke, that, in case he recovered his
kingdom, and died without issue, he would leave it to him. Edward dying,
William Duke of Normandy sends to Harold to claim the crown; but Harold,
now in possession, resolves to keep it. Upon which Duke William, having
prepared a mighty fleet and army, invades England, lands at Hastings,
and sets fire to his fleet, to cut off all hope from his men of
returning. To Harold he sent his messenger, demanding the kingdom and
his subjection: But Harold returned him this answer, "That, unless he
departed his land, he would make him sensible of his just displeasure."
So Harold advanced his forces into Sussex, within seven miles of his
enemy. The Norman Duke, to save the effusion of blood, sent these offers
to Harold; either wholly to resign the kingdom to him, or to try the
quarrel with him in single combat. To this Harold did not agree.

  A.D. 1066.

Then the battle joined. The Normans had gotten the worst, if it had not
been for a stratagem they invented, which got them the day. In this
engagement Harold was killed, and William Duke of Normandy became King
of England, under the name of William the Conqueror.


THE REIGN OF WILLIAM THE SECOND,

SURNAMED RUFUS.

At the time of the Conqueror's death, his eldest son Robert, upon some
discontent with his father, being absent in France,[5] William, the
second son, made use of this juncture, and without attending his
father's funeral, hastened to England, where, pursuant to the will of
the deceased prince,[6] the nobility, although more inclined to favour
Robert, were prevailed with to admit him King, partly by his promises to
abate the rigour of the late reign, and restore the laws and liberties
which had been then abolished, but chiefly by the credit and
solicitations of Lanfranc; for that prelate had formerly a share in his
education, and always a great affection for his person. At Winchester he
took possession of his father's treasure,[7] in obedience to whose
command, as well as to ingratiate himself with the people, he
distributed it among churches and religious houses, and applied it to
the redeeming of prisoners, and other acts of popularity.

[Footnote 5:  He was then at Abbeville in Picardy. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 6:  William the Conqueror left Normandy to his son Robert; but
said of England: "So it pleased God, he should be glad that William, his
obedient and best beloved son, should enjoy it after his death." [D.
S.]]

[Footnote 7:  Which was sixty thousand pounds in silver, besides gold,
jewels, and plate.--BROMPTON. [D.S.]]

In the mean time Robert returned to Normandy, took possession of that
duchy, with great applause and content of his people, and, spited at the
indignity done him by his father, and the usurpation of his brother in
consequence thereof, prepared a great fleet and army to invade England;
nor did there want an occasion to promote his interest, if the slowness,
the softness, and credulity of his nature, could have suffered him to
make a right improvement of it.

Odo Bishop of Bayeux,[8] of whom frequent mention is made in the
preceding reign,[9] a prelate of incurable ambition, either on account
of his age or character being restored to his liberty and possessions in
England, grew into envy and discontent, upon seeing Lanfranc preferred
before him by the new King in his favour and ministry. He therefore
formed a conspiracy with several nobles of Norman birth to depose the
King, and sent an invitation to Robert to hasten over. Mean time the
conspirators, in order to distract the King's forces, seized on several
parts of England at once; Bristol, Norwich, Leicester, Worcester,
Shrewsbury, Bath, and Durham, were secured by several noblemen: Odo
himself seized Rochester, reduced the coasts of Kent, and sent messages
to Robert to make all possible speed.

[Footnote 8: Odo was half brother to William the Conqueror. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 9: Sir W. Temple wrote "An Introduction to the History of
England." As it only extended to the death of William the Conqueror it
is probable that it is what is here referred to. It will be found in
vol. ii. of Sir W. Temple's "Works," edited by Swift. [W.S.J.]]

The King alarmed at these many and sudden defections, thought it his
best course to begin his defence by securing the good will of the
people. He redressed many grievances, eased them of certain oppressive
taxes and tributes, gave liberty to hunt in his forest, with other marks
of indulgence, which however forced from him by the necessity of the
time, he had the skill or fortune so to order as they neither lost their
good grace nor effect; for immediately after he raised great forces both
by land and sea, marched into Kent, where the chief body of his enemies
was in arms, recovered Tunbridge and Pevensey, in the latter of which
Odo himself was taken prisoner, and forced to accompany the King to
Rochester. This city refusing to surrender at the King's summons, Odo
undertook to prevail with the obstinacy of the inhabitants; but being
admitted into the town, was there detained, either by a real or seeming
force; however, the King provoked at their stubbornness and fraud, soon
compelled them to yield, retook his prisoner, and forcing him for ever
to abjure England, sent him into Normandy.

By these actions, performed with such great celerity and success, the
preparations of Duke Robert were wholly disappointed, himself, by the
necessity of his affairs, compelled to a treaty with his brother, upon
the terms of a small pension, and a mutual promise of succeeding to each
other's dominions on failure of issue, forced to resign his pretensions,
and return with a shattered fleet to Normandy.

About this time died Archbishop Lanfranc; by whose death the King,
loosed from that awe and constraint he was under, soon began to discover
those irregularities of his nature, which till then he had suppressed
and disguised, falling into those acts of oppression and extortion that
have made his name and memory infamous. He kept the see of Canterbury
four years vacant, and converted the revenues to his own use, together
with those of several other bishoprics and abbeys, and disposed all
church preferments to the highest bidder. Nor were his exactions less
upon the laity, from whom he continually extorted exorbitant fines for
pretended transgression of certain penal laws, and entertained informers
to observe men's actions and bring him intelligence.

It is here worth observation, that these corrupt proceedings of the
prince have, in the opinion of several learned men, given rise to two
customs, which are a long time grown to have the force of laws. For,
first the successors of this King, continuing the custom of seizing on
the accruing rents in the vacancy of sees and abbeys, it grew in process
of time to be exacted as a right, or acknowledgment to the King as
founder; whence the revenues of vacant bishoprics belong at this day to
the crown. The second custom had an original not unlike. Several
persons, to avoid the persecutions of the King's informers, and other
instruments of oppression, withdrew themselves and their effects to
foreign countries; upon which the King issued a proclamation, forbidding
all men to leave the kingdom without his licence; from whence, in the
judgment of the same authors, the writ _ne exeat regno_ had its
beginning.

By these and the like arbitrary methods having amassed great treasures,
and finding all things quiet at home, he raised a powerful army to
invade his brother in Normandy; but upon what ground or pretext, the
writers of that age are not very exact; whether it were from a principle
frequent among unjust princes, That old oppressions are best justified
by new; or, whether having a talent for sudden enterprises, and justly
apprehending the resentments of Duke Robert, he thought it the wiser
course to prevent injuries than to revenge them. In this expedition he
took several cities and castles from his brother, and would have
proceeded further, if Robert had not desired and obtained the assistance
of Philip King of France, who came with an army to his relief. King
William not thinking it safe or prudent to proceed further against his
enemy supported by so great an ally, yet loth to lose the fruits of his
time and valour, fell upon a known and old expedient, which no prince
ever practised oftener, or with greater success, and that was, to buy
off the French King with a sum of money. This had its effect; for that
prince not able to oppose such powerful arms, immediately withdrew
himself and his forces, leaving the two brothers to concert the measures
of a peace.

This was treated and agreed with great advantages on the side of King
William; for he kept all the towns he had taken, obliged his brother to
banish Edgar Atheling out of Normandy, and, for a further security,
brought over with him to England the Duke himself to attend him in his
expedition against Malcolm King of Scotland, who during his absence had
invaded the borders. The King having raised great forces both by sea and
land, went in person to repel the inroads of the Scots: but the
enterprise was without success; for the greatest part of his fleet was
destroyed by a tempest, and his army very much diminished by sickness
and famine, which forced him to a peace of little honour; by which, upon
the condition of homage from that prince, the King of England agreed to
deliver him up those twelve towns (or manors) in England which Malcolm
had held under William the Conqueror; together with a pension of twelve
thousand marks.

At this time were sown the seeds of another quarrel between him and Duke
Robert, who soliciting the King to perform some covenants of the last
peace, and meeting with a repulse, withdrew in great discontent to
Normandy.

King William, in his return from Scotland, fell dangerously sick at
Gloucester, where, moved by the seasonable exhortations of his clergy,
or rather by the fears of dying, he began to discover great marks of
repentance, with many promises of amendment and retribution,
particularly for his injuries to the Church. To give credit to which
good resolutions, he immediately filled several vacant sees, giving that
of Canterbury to Anselm, a foreigner of great fame for piety and
learning. But as it is the disposition of men who derive their vices
from their complexions, that their passions usually beat strong and weak
with their pulses, so it fared with this prince, who upon recovery of
his health soon forgot the vows he had made in his sickness, relapsing
with greater violence into the same irregularities of injustice and
oppression, whereof Anselm, the new archbishop, felt the first effects.
This prelate, soon after his promotion, offered the King a sum of money
by way of present; but took care it should be so small, that none might
interpret it to be a consideration of his late preferment. The King
rejected it with scorn; and as he used but little ceremony in such
matters, insisted in plain terms for more. Anselm would not comply; and
the King enraged, sought all occasions to make him uneasy; until at
length the poor archbishop, tired out with perpetual usurpations (or at
least what was then understood to be such) upon his jurisdiction,
privileges, and possessions, desired the King licence for a journey to
Rome; and upon a refusal, went without it. As soon as he was withdrawn,
the King seized on all his revenues, converting them to his own use, and
the archbishop continued an exile until the succeeding reign.

The particulars of this quarrel between the King and archbishop are not,
in my opinion, considerable enough to deserve a place in this brief
collection, being of little use to posterity, and of less entertainment;
neither should I have mentioned it at all, but for the occasion it gives
me of making a general observation, which may afford some light into the
nature and disposition of those ages. Not only this King's father and
himself, but the princes for several successions, of the fairest
character, have been severely taxed for violating the rights of the
clergy, and perhaps not altogether without reason. It is true, this
character hath made the lighter impression, as proceeding altogether
from the party injured, the cotemporary writers being generally
churchmen: and it must be confessed, that the usurpations of the Church
and court of Rome were in those ages risen to such heights, as to be
altogether inconsistent either with the legislature or administration of
any independent state; the inferior clergy, both secular and regular,
insisting upon such immunities as wholly exempted them from the civil
power; and the bishops removing all controversies with the crown by
appeal to Rome: for they reduced the matter to this short issue, That
God was to be obeyed rather than men; and consequently the Bishop of
Rome, who is Christ's representative, rather than an earthly prince.
Neither doth it seem improbable that all Christendom would have been in
utter vassalage, both temporal and spiritual, to the Roman see, if the
Reformation had not put a stop to those exorbitancies, and in a good
measure opened the eyes even of those princes and states who still
adhere to the doctrines and discipline of that church.

While the King continued at Gloucester, Malcolm King of Scotland came to
his court, with intentions to settle and confirm the late peace between
them. It happened that a controversy arose about some circumstances
relating to the homage which Malcolm was to pay, in the managing whereof
King William discovered so much haughtiness and disdain, both in words
and gestures, that the Scottish prince, provoked by such unworthy
treatment, returned home with indignation; but soon came back at the
head of a powerful army, and, entering Northumberland with fire and
sword, laid all waste before him. But as all enterprises have in the
progress of them a tincture of those passions by which they were
spirited at first, so this invasion begun upon private revenge, which is
a blind ungovernable passion, was carried on with equal precipitation,
and proved to be ruinous in the event; for Robert Mowbray, Earl of
Northumberland, to prevent the destruction of his own country, where he
had great possessions, gathering what forces he could suddenly raise,
and without waiting any directions from the King, marched against the
Scots, who were then set down before Alnwick Castle: there, by an
ambush, Malcolm and his eldest son Edward were slain, and the army,
discouraged by the loss of their princes, entirely defeated. This
disaster was followed in a few days by the death of Queen Margaret, who,
not able to survive her misfortunes, died for grief. Neither did the
miseries of that kingdom end till, after two usurpations, the surviving
son of Malcolm, who had fled to England for refuge, was restored to his
crown by the assistance of King William.

About this time the hidden sparks of animosity between the two brothers,
buried but not extinguished in the last peace, began to flame out into
new dissensions. Duke Robert had often sent his complaints to the King
for breach of articles, but without redress, which provoked him to
expostulate in a rougher manner, till at length he charged the King in
plain terms with injustice and perjury, but no men are found to endure
reproaches with less temper than those who most deserve them, the King,
at the same time filled with indignation, and stung with guilt, invaded
Normandy a second time, resolving to reduce his brother to such terms as
might stop all further complaints. He had already taken several strong
holds, by force either of arms or of money, and intending entirely to
subdue the duchy, gave orders to have twenty thousand men immediately
raised in England, and sent over to him. The Duke, to defend himself
against these formidable preparations, had recourse again to his old
ally the King of France, who very readily advanced with an army to his
assistance, as an action wherein he could every way find his own
accounts, for, beside the appearance of glory and justice by protecting
the injured, he fought indeed his own battle, by preserving his
neighbouring state in the hands of a peaceful prince, from so powerful
and restless an enemy as the King of England, and was largely paid for
his trouble into the bargain, for King William, either loth to engage in
a long and dangerous war, or hastened back by intelligence of some
troubles from Wales, sent offers to his army, just ready to embark for
Normandy, that upon payment of ten shillings a man they might have leave
to return to their own homes.[10] This bargain was generally accepted,
the money was paid to the King of France, who immediately withdrew his
troops, and King William, now master of the conditions, forced his
brother to a peace upon much harder terms than before.

[Footnote 10: See reference to this incident in "The Examiner," No. 21
(vol. ix of this edition, p. 123)  [W.S.J.]]

In this passage there are some circumstances which may appear odd and
unaccountable to those who will not give due allowance for the
difference of times and manners: that an absent prince, engaged in an
unjust war with his own brother, and ill-beloved at home, should have so
much power and credit, as by his commission to raise twenty thousand men
on a sudden, only as a recruit to the army he had already with him; that
he should have a fleet prepared ready, and large enough to transport so
great a number; that upon the very point of embarking he should send
them so disgraceful an offer; and that so great a number of common
soldiers should be able and willing to pay such a sum of money, equal to
at least twelve time as much in our times; and that, after being thus
deluded and spoiled at once, they should peaceably disband and retire to
their several homes. But all this will be less difficult to comprehend,
when we reflect on the method of raising and supporting armies, very
different from ours, which was then in use, and so continued for many
ages after. All men who had lands _in capite_ were bound to attend the
King in his wars with a proportioned number of soldiers, who were their
tenants on easy rents in consideration of military service. This was but
the work of a few days, and the troops consisted of such men as were
able to maintain their own charges either at home or abroad: neither was
there any reason to apprehend that soldiers would ever become
instruments for introducing slavery, who held so great a share in the
property.

The King, upon his return from Normandy, made an unsuccessful expedition
against the Welsh, who upon the advantages of his absence had, according
to their usual custom, made cruel inroads upon the adjoining counties of
Chester, Shrewsbury, and Hereford. Upon the King's approach they fled
into their fastnesses among the mountains, where he pursued them for
some time with great rage and vexation, as well as the loss of great
numbers of his men, to no purpose. From hence he was recalled by a more
formidable enemy nearer home: for Robert Earl of Northumberland,
overrating his late services against the Scots, as much perhaps and as
unjustly as they were undervalued by the King, refused to come to his
court, which, in those days, was looked on as the first usual mark of
discontent in a nobleman; and was often charged by princes as a formal
accusation. The earl having disobeyed the King's summons, and concerted
matters with other accomplices, broke out into open rebellion, with
intentions to depose King William, and set up Stephen Earl of Albemarle,
son of a sister to William the Conqueror: but all was prevented by the
celerity of this active prince; who, knowing that insurrections are best
quelled in their beginnings, marched with incredible speed, and
surprised the rebels at Newcastle, took the castles of Tynemouth and
Bamburgh; where the obstinacy of the defendants provoked him, contrary
to his nature, to commit cruelties upon their persons, by cutting off
their hands and ears, and other the like inhumanities. The earl himself
was taken prisoner as he endeavoured to make his escape; but suffered no
other punishment than to be confined for the rest of his life.[11]

[Footnote 11: Which was thirty years. [D.S.]]

About this time began the Holy War for recovering of Palestine; which
having not been the enterprise of any one prince or state, but that
wherein most in Christendom had a share, it cannot with justice be
silently passed over in the history of any nation.

Pope Urban the Second, in a council at Clermont, made a pathetic
exhortation, shewing with what danger and indignity to Christendom the
Turks and Saracens had, for some ages, not only overrun all Asia and
Africa, where Christianity had long flourished; but had also made
encroachments into Europe, where they had entirely subdued Spain, and
some other parts; that Jerusalem, the holy city, where our Saviour did
so many miracles, and where His sepulchre still remained, to the scandal
of the Christian name, lay groaning under the tyranny of infidels; that
the swords which Christian princes had drawn against each other, ought
to be turned against the common enemy of their name and religion; that
this should be reckoned an ample satisfaction for all their past sins;
that those who died in this expedition should immediately go to Heaven,
and the survivors would be blessed with the sight of our Lord's
sepulchre.

Moved by these arguments, and the influence of the person who delivered
them, several nobles and prelates immediately took upon them the cross;
and the council dissolving in this high fit of zeal, the clergy, upon
their return home, prevailed so far in their several countries, that in
most parts of Europe some great prince or lord became a votary for the
Holy Land; as Hugh the Great, brother to the King of France; Godfrey
Duke of Lorraine; Reimond Count of Toulouse; Robert Duke of Normandy,
and many others. Neither ought it to be forgotten, that most of these
noble and generous princes, wanting money to maintain the forces they
had raised, pawned their dominions to those very prelates who had first
engaged them in this enterprise: doubtless a notable mark of the force
of oratory in the churchmen of those ages, who were able to inspire that
devotion into others, whereof they seemed so little sensible themselves.

But a great share in the honour of promoting this religious war, is
attributed to the zeal and industry of a certain French priest, commonly
called Peter the Hermit; who being at Jerusalem upon pilgrimage some
time before, and entering often into private treaty with the patriarch
of that city, came back fully instructed in all the measures necessary
for such a war: to these was joined the artifice of certain dreams and
visions that might pass for divine admonition: all which, added to the
piety of his exhortations, gave him such credit with the Pope, and
several princes of Christendom, that he became in his own person the
leader of a great army against the infidels, and was very instrumental
for engaging many others in the same design.

What a spirit was thus raised in Christendom among all sorts of men,
cannot better be conceived than from the vast numbers of these warlike
pilgrims; who, at the siege of Nice, are said to have consisted of
600,000 foot, and 100,000 horse: and the success at first was answerable
to the greatness of their numbers, the valour of their leaders, and the
universal opinion of such a cause; for, besides several famous victories
in the field, not to mention the towns of less importance, they took
Nice, Antioch, and at last Jerusalem, where Duke Godfrey was chosen king
without competition. But zeal, with a mixture of enthusiasm, as I take
this to have been, is a composition only fit for sudden enterprises,
like a great ferment in the blood, giving double courage and strength
for the time, until it sink and settle by nature into its old channel:
for, in a few years the piety of these adventurers began to slacken, and
give way to faction and envy, the natural corruptions of all
confederacies: however, to this spirit of devotion there succeeded a
spirit of honour, which long continued the vein and humour of the times;
and the Holy Land became either a school, wherein young princes went to
learn the art of war, or a scene wherein they affected to shew their
valour, and gain reputation, when they were weary of peace at home.

The Christians held possession of Jerusalem above eighty years,[12] and
continued their expeditions to the Holy Land almost as many more, with
various events; and after they were entirely driven out of Asia, the
popes have almost in every age endeavoured in vain to promote new
crusades neither does this spirit seem quite extinct among us even to
this day; the usual projects of sanguine men for uniting Christendom
against the Turk, being without doubt a traditional way of talk derived
to us from the same fountain.

[Footnote 12:  They held it eighty-eight years; from July, 1099, to
October, 1187. [D.S.]]

Robert, in order to furnish himself out for this war, pawned his duchy
to the King for 10,000 marks of gold;[13] which sum was levied with so
many circumstances of rigour and exaction, towards the Church and laity,
as very much increased the discontents of both against the prince.

[Footnote 13:  Equal to £1,400,000, as money passes now. [D.S.]]

  1099.

I shall record one act of this king's, which being chiefly personal, may
pass rather for a part of his character, than a point of history.

As he was hunting one day in the New Forest, a messenger express from
Normandy, brought him intelligence, that Hélie, Count de la Flèche, had
laid close siege to Mans, and expected to carry the town in a few days;
the King leaving his chase, commanded some about him to point whereabout
Mans lay; and so rode straight on without reflection, until he came to
the coast. His attendants advised him to wait until he had made
preparations of men and money; to which he only returned; "They that
love me, will follow me." He entered the ship in a violent storm; which
the mariners beholding with astonishment, at length in great humility
gave him warning of the danger; but the King commanded them instantly to
put off to sea, and not be afraid; for he had never in his life heard of
any King that was drowned. In a few days he drove the enemy from before
the city, and took the count himself prisoner, who raging at his defeat
and captivity, exclaimed,[14] "That this blow was from Fortune; but
Valour could make reprisals, as he should shew, if ever he regained his
liberty." This being told the King, he sent for the count, let him
understand that he had heard of his menaces, then gave him a fine horse,
bid him begone immediately, and defied him to do his worst.

[Footnote 14: There is so much pleasantry and humour, as well as spirit
and heroism in this story, as we have it recorded by William de
Malmesbury, who represents the menace as thrown out in the King's
presence, that I shall make no apology for setting down his words at
length. "Auctor turbarum Helias capitur; cui ante se adducto rex
ludibundus, 'Habeo te, magister,' inquit. At ille, cujus alta nobilitas
nesciret in tanto etiam periculo sapere; 'Fortuitu,' inquit, 'me
cepisti: sed si possem evadere, novi quid facerem.' Tum Willelmus, prae
furore ferè extra se positus, et obuncans Heliam, 'Tu,'inquit, 'nebulo!
tu, quid faceres? Discede; abi; fuge! Concede tibi ut facias quicquid
poteris: et, per vultum de Luca! nihil, si me viceris, pro hâc veniâ
tecum paciscar." _I.e._ By the face of St. Luke, if thou shouldst have
the fortune to conquer me, I scorn to compound with thee for my release.
[D.S.]]

It would have been an injury to this prince's memory, to let pass an
action, by which he acquired more honour than from any other in his
life, and by which it appeared that he was not without some seeds of
magnanimity, had they been better cultivated, or not overrun by the
number or prevalency of his vices.

I have met with nothing else in this King's reign that deserved to be
remembered; for, as to an unsuccessful expedition or two against Wales,
either by himself or his generals; they were very inconsiderable both in
action and event, nor attended with any circumstances that might render
a relation of them of any use to posterity, either for instruction or
example.