_The editor would not be thought to justify the author of this History,
in all points, or even to attempt to acquit him of unbecoming prejudices
and partiality. Without being deeply versed in history or politics, he
can see his author, in many instances, blinded with passions that
disgrace the historian; and blending, with phrases worthy of a Caesar or
a Cicero, expressions not to be justified by truth, reason, or common
sense, yet think him a most powerful orator, and a great historian._

_No unprejudiced person will blame the Dean for doing all that is
consistent with truth and decency to vindicate the government of the
Queen, and to exculpate the conduct of her ministers and her last
general; all good men would rejoice at such a vindication. But, if he
meant no more than this, his work would ill deserve the title of an
History. That he generally tells truths, and founds his most material
assertions upon fact, will, I think be found very evident. But there is
room to suspect, that, while he tells no more than the truth, he does
not tell the whole truth. However, he makes it very clear, that the
Queen's allies, especially our worthy friends the Dutch, were much to
blame for the now generally condemned conduct of the Queen, with regard
to the prosecution of the war and the bringing about the peace_.

_The authors drawings of characters are confessedly partial: for he
tells us openly, he means not to give characters entire, but such parts
of each man's particular passions, acquirements, and habits, as he was
most likely to transfer into his political schemes. What writing, what
sentence, what character, can stand this torture?--What extreme
perversion may not, let me say, does not, this produce? Yet thus does he
choose to treat all men, that were not favourers of the latest measures
of the Queen, when the best that has been said for her, shows no more
than that she was blindfolded and held in leading-strings by her
ministers_.

_He does not spare a man, confessed by all the world to have discharged
the duties of his function like a soldier, like an hero. But charges
Prince Eugene with raising and keeping up a most horrible mob, with
intent to assassinate Harley. For all which odious charges he offers not
one individual point of proof_.

_He is not content with laying open again the many faults already
publicly proved upon the late Duke of Marlborough, but insinuates a new
crime, by seeming to attempt to acquit him of aspiring at the throne.
But this is done in a manner peculiar to this author_.

_On the other hand, he extols the ministers, and minions of the Queen,
in the highest terms; and while he robs their antagonists of every good
quality, generally gives those wisdom and every virtue that can adorn
human nature_.

_He is not ashamed to attempt to justify, what all thinking good men
must condemn, the Queen's making twelve peers at once, to serve a
particular turn_.

_All these may be ascribed to the strength of his passions, and to the
prejudices, early imbibed, in favour of his indulgent royal mistress and
her favourites and servants.[3] The judicious will look through the
elegant clothing, and dispassionately consider these as mere human
errors, to which no well-informed mind can assent. The editor thinks
himself bound to protest against them_.

[Footnote 3: That Swift should have a strong partiality to Harley and
St. John, by whom he was respected and trusted to a most uncommon
degree, is natural and obvious; but upon what ground Queen Anne, who
disliked his person, and obstructed his preferment, is here termed his
_indulgent_ mistress, the author of this preface ought to have
condescended to explain. [S.]]


_He makes a few lapses on the other side, without being as clear as an
impartial historian would choose to appear. He more than hints at the
Queen's displeasure at its being moved in Parliament, that the Prince
Elector should be invited to reside in England, to whose crown he was by
law declared presumptive heir, but is always open upon the Queen's
insisting on the Pretender's being sent out of France.--It is easy to
see how incompatible these things appear. Nothing could tend more to
secure the Hanover succession, and to enlarge its benefits to Britain,
than the bringing over the successor, who should, in every country, be
well instructed in the language, customs, manners, religion, and laws of
his future subjects, before he comes to hold the reins of government.
And our author does not take the proper care to inform us how far the
French thought fit to comply with banishing the Pretender their
dominions, since many still live in doubt, that if he was sent out of
France, he was sent into England_.

_But there is one expression of our author too perverse, too grossly
abused, to admit of any apology, of any palliation. It is not to be
supposed, that he was ignorant of any word in the English language. And
least of all can he be supposed ignorant of the meaning of a word,
which, had it been ever so doubtful before, had a certain meaning
impressed upon it by the authority of Parliament, of which no sensible
subject can be ignorant_.

_Notwithstanding this, where our author speaks of the late King James,
he calls him the_ abdicated King, _and gives the same epithet even to
his family. Though this weak, ill-advised, and ill-fated prince, in
every sense of the word, with Romans and English, and to all intents and
purposes_, abdicated, _yet can he, in no sense, be called_ abdicated;
_unless the people's asserting their rights, and defending themselves
against a king, who broke his compact with his subjects, and overturned
their government, can be called_ abdication _in them; which no man in
his senses can be hardy enough to support upon any principle of reason
or the laws of England. Let the reader judge which this is most likely
to be, error or design_.

_These exceptions the editor thought himself bound to make to some parts
of this work, to keep clear of the disagreeable imputations of being of
a party, of whatsoever denomination, in opposition to truth and the
rights and liberties of the subject._

_These laid aside, the work will be found to have many beauties, many
excellencies. Some have of late affected to depreciate this History,
from an insinuation, made only since the author's death, to wit, that he
was never admitted into the secrets of the administration, but made to
believe he was a confident, only to engage him in the list of the
ministerial writers of that reign_.

_The falsehood of this will readily appear upon perusal of the work.
This shows he knew the most secret springs of every movement in the
whole complicated machine. That he states facts, too well known to be
contested, in elegant simplicity, and reasons upon them with the talents
of the greatest historian. And thus makes an History, composed rather of
negotiations than actions, most entertaining, affecting, and
interesting, instead of being, as might be expected, heavy, dull, and
disagreeable_.

_It is now fit to apologize for some errors, which the judicious must
discover upon a perusal of this work. It is for this, among other
reasons, much to be lamented, that this History was not published under
the author's own inspection. It is next to impossible to copy or print
any work without faults, and most so where the author's eye is wanting_.

_It is not to be imagined, that even our author, however accurate,
however great, was yet strictly and perfectly correct in his writings.
Yet, where some seeming inaccuracies in style or expression have been
discovered, the deference due to the author made any alteration too
presumptuous a task for the editor. These are, therefore, left to the
amending hand of every sensible and polite reader; while the editor
hopes it will suffice, that he should point out some of those errors,
which are to be ascribed either to transcribers or the press, and which
may be rectified in the manner following, in reading the work._[4]

[Footnote 4: Here follows list of _errata_. (These errors have been
corrected in the present edition.)]

_And thus; with these and perhaps some few such like corrections, it is
hoped this work will be found completely correct._




THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE.[1]

[Footnote 1: The time when it was written does not appear; but it was
probably many years after the Queen's death. [N.] First published in
1765. [W.S.J.]]


Having written the following History at Windsor, in the happy reign of
Her Majesty Queen Anne, of ever glorious, blessed, and immortal memory;
I resolved to publish it, for the satisfaction of my fellow-subjects, in
the year 1713; but, being under a necessity of going to Ireland, to take
possession of the deanery of St. Patrick's, Dublin, I left the original
with the ministers; and having stayed in that kingdom not above a
fortnight, I found, at my return, that my Lord Treasurer Oxford, and the
secretary my Lord Bolingbroke, who were then unhappily upon very ill
terms with each other, could not agree upon publishing it, without some
alterations which I would not submit to. Whereupon I kept it by me until
Her Majesty's death, which happened about a year after.

I have ever since preserved the original very safely; too well knowing
what a turn the world would take upon the German family's succeeding to
the crown; which indeed was their undoubted right, having been
established solemnly by the act of an undisputed Parliament, brought
into the House of Commons by Mr. Harley, who was then Speaker.

But, as I have said in another discourse,[2] it was very well
understood, some years before Her Majesty's death, how the new King
would act, immediately upon his entrance, in the choice of those (and
those alone) whom he resolved to trust; and consequently what reports
would industriously be raised, as well as spread, to expose the
proceedings of Her Majesty herself, as well as of her servants; who have
been ever since blasted as enemies to the present establishment, by the
most ignorant and malicious among mankind.

[Footnote 2: "Memoirs relating to the Change in the Queen's Ministry."
See vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

Therefore, as it was my lot to have been daily conversant with the
persons then in power; never absent in times of business or
conversation, until a few weeks before Her Majesty's death; and a
witness of almost every step they made in the course of their
administration; I must have been very unfortunate not to be better
informed than those miserable pamphleteers, or their patrons, could
pretend to. At the same time, I freely confess, it appeared necessary,
as well as natural, upon such a mighty change as the death of a
sovereign, that those who were to be in power upon the succession, and
resolved to act in every part by a direct contrary system of politics,
should load their predecessors with as much infamy as the most
inveterate malice and envy could suggest, or the most stupid ignorance
and credulity in their underlings could swallow.

Therefore, as I pretend to write with the utmost impartiality, the
following History of the Four Last Years of her Majesty's Reign, in
order to undeceive prejudiced persons at present, as well as posterity;
I am persuaded in my own mind, as likewise by the advice of my oldest
and wisest friends, that I am doing my duty to God and man, by
endeavouring to set future ages right in their judgment of that happy
reign; and, as a faithful historian, I cannot suffer falsehoods to run
on any longer, not only against all appearance of truth as well as
probability, but even against those happy events, which owe their
success to the very measures then fixed in the general peace.

The materials for this History, besides what I have already mentioned, I
mean the confidence reposed in me for those four years, by the chief
persons in power, were extracted out of many hundred letters written by
our ambassadors abroad, and from the answers as well as instructions
sent them by our secretaries of state, or by the first minister the Earl
of Oxford. The former were all originals, and the latter copies entered
into books in the secretaries' office, out of both which I collected all
that I thought convenient; not to mention several Memorials given me by
the ministers at home. Further, I was a constant witness and observer of
all that passed; and entered every particular of any consequence upon
paper.

I was so far from having any obligation to the crown, that, on the
contrary, Her Majesty issued a proclamation, offering three hundred
pounds to any person who would discover the author of a certain short
treatise,[3] which the Queen well knew to have been written by me. I
never received one shilling from the minister, or any other present,
except that of a few books; nor did I want their assistance to support
me. I very often dined indeed with the treasurer and secretary; but, in
those days, that was not reckoned a bribe, whatever it may have been at
any time since. I absolutely refused to be chaplain to the Lord
Treasurer; because I thought it would ill become me to be in a state of
dependence.

[Footnote 3: "The Public Spirit of the Whigs." [D.S.]]

I say this, to shew that I had no other bias than my own opinion of
persons and affairs. I preserved several of the opposite party in their
employments, who were persons of wit and learning, particularly Mr.
Addison and Mr. Congreve, neither of whom were ever in any danger from
the treasurer, who much esteemed them both; and, by his lordship's
commands, I brought the latter to dine with him. Mr. Steele might have
been safe enough, if his continually repeated indiscretions, and a zeal
mingled with scurrilities, had not forfeited all title to lenity.[4]

[Footnote 4: A full account of the severance of the friendly relations
between Swift and Steele is given in the fifth volume of the present
edition (see pp. 276-282). [T.S.]]

I know very well the numberless prejudices of weak and deceived people,
as well as the malice of those, who, to serve their own interest or
ambition, have cast off all religion, morality, justice, and common
decency. However, although perhaps I may not be believed in the present
age, yet I hope to be so in the next, by all who will bear any regard
for the honour and liberty of England, if either of these shall then
subsist or not.

I have no interest or inclination to palliate the mistakes, or
omissions, or want of steadiness, or unhappy misunderstandings, among a
few of those who then presided in affairs.

Nothing is more common than the virulence of superficial and ill
informed writers, against the conduct of those who are now called prime
ministers: And, since factions appear at present to be at a greater
height than in any former times, although perhaps not so equally poised;
it may probably concern those who are now in their height, if they have
any regard for their own memories in future ages, to be less warm
against others, who humbly differ from them in some state opinions. Old
persons remember, at least by tradition, the horrible prejudices that
prevailed against the first Earl of Clarendon, whose character, as it
now stands, might be a pattern for all ministers; although even Bishop
Burnet of Sarum, whose principles, veracity, and manner of writing, are
so little esteemed upon many accounts, hath been at the pains to
vindicate him.

Upon that irreparable breach between the treasurer and secretary
Bolingbroke, after my utmost endeavours, for above two years, to
reconcile them, I retired to a friend in Berkshire, where I stayed until
Her Majesty's death;[5] and then immediately returned to my station in
Dublin, where I continued about twelve years without once seeing
England. I there often reviewed the following Memoirs; neither changing
nor adding, further than by correcting the style: And, if I have been
guilty of any mistakes, they must be of small moment; for it was hardly
possible I could be wrong informed, with all the advantages I have
already mentioned.

[Footnote 5: See vol. v. of the present edition--the notes on pp. 390,
393-394, 420, 421, and 426. [T.S.]]

I shall not be very uneasy under the obloquy that may, perhaps, be cast
upon me by the violent leaders and followers of the present prevailing
party. And yet I cannot find the least inconsistence with conscience or
honour, upon the death of so excellent a princess as her late Majesty,
for a wise and good man to submit, with a true and loyal heart, to her
lawful Protestant successor; whose hereditary title was confirmed by the
Queen and both Houses of Parliament, with the greatest unanimity, after
it had been made an article in the treaty, that every prince in our
alliance should be a guarantee of that succession. Nay, I will venture
to go one step farther; that, if the negotiators of that peace had been
chosen out of the most professed zealots for the interests of the
Hanover family, they could not have bound up the French king, or the
Hollanders, more strictly than the Queen's plenipotentiaries did, in
confirming the present succession; which was in them so much a greater
mark of virtue and loyalty, because they perfectly well knew, that they
should never receive the least mark of favour, when the succession had
taken place.




  THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST
  YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK I.


I propose give the public an account of the most important affairs at
home, during the last session of Parliament, as well as of our
negotiations of peace abroad, not only during that period, but some time
before and since. I shall relate the chief matters transacted by both
Houses in that session, and discover the designs carried on by the heads
of a discontented party,[1] not only against the ministry, but, in some
manner, against the crown itself. I likewise shall state the debts of
the nation, show by what mismanagement, and to serve what purposes, they
were at first contracted, by what negligence or corruption they have so
prodigiously grown, and what methods have since been taken to provide
not only for their payment, but to prevent the like mischief for the
time to come. Although, in an age like ours, I can expect very few
impartial readers, yet I shall strictly follow truth, or what reasonably
appeared to me to be such, after the most impartial inquiries I could
make, and the best opportunities of being informed, by those who were
the principal actors or advisers.[2]

[Footnote 1: P. Fitzgerald says "faction." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 2: Swift's informants were, of course, Harley and Bolingbroke,
though the latter stated that Swift was given only such information as
served the ministry's purpose in the work they had given him for "The
Examiner" and the party pamphlets written in their defence. It is,
however, quite interesting in this connection, to see how closely
Swift's narrative follows the published political correspondence of
Bolingbroke. [T.S.]]

Neither shall I mingle panegyric or satire with an history intended to
inform posterity, as well as to instruct those of the present age, who
may be ignorant or misled; since facts, truly related, are the best
applauses, or most lasting reproaches.

Discourses upon subjects relating to the public usually seem to be
calculated for London only, and some few miles about it; while the
authors suppose their readers to be informed of several particulars, to
which those that live remote are, for the generality, utter strangers.
Most people, who frequent this town, acquire a sort of smattering (such
as it is), which qualifies them for reading a pamphlet, and finding out
what is meant by innuendoes, or hints at facts or persons, and initial
letters of names, wherein gentlemen at a distance, although perhaps of
much better understandings, are wholly in the dark. Wherefore, that
these Memoirs may be rendered more generally intelligible and useful, it
will be convenient to give the reader a short view of the state and
disposition of affairs, when the last session of Parliament began. And
because the party-leaders, who had lost their power and places, were,
upon that juncture, employing all their engines, in an attempt to
re-establish themselves, I shall venture one step further, and represent
so much of their characters as may be supposed to have influenced their
politics.

On the seventh day of December, one thousand seven hundred and eleven,
began the second session of Parliament. It was now above a year since
the Queen had thought fit to put the great offices of state, and of her
own household, into other hands; however, three of the discontented
lords were still in possession of their places, for the Duke of
Marlborough continued general, the Duke of Somerset master of the horse,
and the Earl of Cholmondeley treasurer of Her Majesty's household;[3]
likewise great numbers of the same party[4] still kept employments of
value and importance, which had not been usual of late years upon any
changes of ministry. The Queen, who judged the temper of her people by
this House of Commons, which a landed interest had freely chosen, found
them very desirous of a secure and honourable peace, and disposed[5] to
leave the management of it to her own wisdom, and that of her own
council. She had, therefore, several months before the session began,
sent to inform the States General of some overtures which had been made
her by the enemy; and, during that summer, Her Majesty took several
farther steps in that great affair, until at length, after many
difficulties, a congress at Utrecht, for a general peace, was agreed
upon, the whole proceedings of which previous negotiations, between our
court and that of France, I shall, in its proper place, very
particularly relate.

[Footnote 3: See note on p. 385 of vol. v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 4: P. Fitzgerald says "the ejected party." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 5: P. Fitzgerald adds "(as it was their duty)." [W.S.J.]]

The nation was already upon a better foot, with respect to its debts;
for the Earl of Oxford, lord treasurer, had, in the preceeding session,
proposed and effected ways and means, in the House of Commons (where he
was then a member), for providing a parliamentary fund, to clear the
heavy arrear of ten millions (whereof the greatest part lay upon the
navy), without any new burthen (at least after a very few years) to the
kingdom; and, at the same time, he took care to prevent farther
incumbrances upon that article, by finding ready money for naval
provisions, which has saved the public somewhat more than _cent. per
cent_. in that mighty branch of our expenses.

The clergy were altogether in the interests and the measures of the
present ministry, which had appeared so boldly in their defence, during
a prosecution against one of their members,[6] where the whole sacred
order was understood to be concerned. The zeal shown for that most
religious bill, to settle a fund for building fifty new churches in and
about the city of London,[7] was a fresh obligation; and they were
farther highly gratified, by Her Majesty's choosing one of their body to
be a great officer of state.[8]

[Footnote 6: Dr. Sacheverell. [N.]]

[Footnote 7: A suggestion originally made by Swift himself. See vol.
iii., p. 45, of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 8: Dr. Robinson, Lord Bishop of Bristol, to be Lord Privy
Seal. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] Dr. Robinson, who was appointed Bishop of London
in 1713, died in 1723. [W.S.J.]]

By this time likewise, all disputes about these principles, which used
originally to divide Whig and Tory, were wholly dropped; and those
fantastical words ought in justice to have been so too, provided we
could have found out more convenient names, whereby to distinguish
lovers of peace from lovers of war;[9] or those who would leave Her
Majesty some degree of freedom in the choice of her ministers, from
others, who could not be satisfied with her choosing any, except such as
she was most averse from. But, where a nation is once divided, interest
and animosity will keep open the breach, without being supported by any
other principles; or, at worst, a body of discontented people can
change, and take up what principles they please.

[Footnote 9: Swift had already, in his "Some Free Thoughts upon the
Present State of Affairs," attempted to re-define the distinctions of
Whig and Tory. The latter, he urged, was of that party which pronounced
for the principles of loyalty to the Church and the preservation of the
Protestant succession in the House of Hanover. Swift felt that the
majority of the people at large were strong for these principles, and
the party that would openly accept them as its "platform" would, he
argued, be the party that would obtain the people's support. Had
Bollngbroke not delayed the publication of this tract, it might have had
great influence in keeping the Tories in power. See vol. v. of present
edition, pp. 380, 393. [T.S.]]

As to the disposition of the opposite party, we all remember, that the
removal of the last ministry was brought about by several degrees;
through which means it happened, that they and their friends were hardly
recovered out of one astonishment, before they fell into another. This
scene lasted for some months, and was followed by a period of rage and
despair, natural to those who reflect that they have lost a secure game,
by their own rashness, folly, and want of common management, when, at
the same time, they knew by experience, that a watchful and dexterous
adversary lay ready to take the advantage. However, some time before the
session, the heads of that party began to recollect themselves, and
rally their forces, like an enemy who hath been beaten out of the field,
but finds he is not pursued; for although the chiefs of this faction
were thought to have but little esteem or friendship for each other, yet
they perfectly agreed in one general end, of distressing, by all
possible methods, the new administration, wherein if they could succeed
so far as to put the Queen under any great necessity, another Parliament
must be called, and perhaps the power[10] devolve again into their own
hands.

[Footnote 10: P. Fitzgerald says "and the power naturally." [W.S.J.]]

The issue and event of that grand confederacy appearing in both Houses,
although under a different form, upon the very first day the Parliament
met, I cannot better begin the relation of affairs, commencing from that
period, than by a thorough detection of the whole intrigue, carried on
with the greatest privacy and application, which must be acknowledged to
have for several days disconcerted some of the ministry, as well as
dispirited their friends; and the consequences thereof, which have in
reality been so very pernicious to the kingdom.

But because the principal leaders in this design are the same persons to
whom, since the loss of their power, all the opposition has been owing
which the court received, either in treaties abroad, or the
administration at home; it may not be improper to describe those
qualities in each of them, which few of their admirers will deny, and
which appear chiefly to have influenced them in acting their several
parts upon the public stage. For I do not intend to draw their
characters entire, which would be tedious, and little to the purpose,
but shall only single out those passions, acquirements, and habits,
which the owners were most likely to transfer into their political
schemes, and which were most subservient to the designs they seemed to
have in view.

The Lord Somers[11] may very deservedly be reputed the head and oracle
of that party; he hath raised himself, by the concurrence of many
circumstances, to the greatest employments of the state, without the
least support from birth or fortune; he hath constantly, and with great
steadiness, cultivated those principles under which he grew. That
accident which first produced him into the world, of pleading for the
bishops whom King James had sent to the Tower, might have proved a piece
of merit, as honourable as it was fortunate, but the old republican
spirit, which the Revolution had restored, began to teach other
lessons--That since we had accepted a new King, from a Calvinistical
commonwealth, we must also admit new maxims in religion and government.
But, since the nobility and gentry would probably adhere to the
established Church, and to the rights of monarchy, as delivered down
from their ancestors, it was the practice of those politicians to
introduce such men as were perfectly indifferent to any or no religion,
and who were not likely to inherit much loyalty from those to whom they
owed their birth. Of this number was the person I am now describing. I
have hardly known any man, with talents more proper to acquire and
preserve the favour of a prince; never offending in word or gesture; in
the highest degree courteous and complaisant; wherein he set an
excellent example to his colleagues, which they did not think fit to
follow. But this extreme civility is universal and undistinguished, and
in private conversation, where he observeth it as inviolably as if he
were in the greatest assembly, it is sometimes censured as formal. Two
reasons are assigned for this behaviour: first, from the consciousness
of his humble original,[12] he keepeth all familiarity at the utmost
distance, which otherwise might be apt to intrude; the second, that
being sensible how subject he is to violent passions, he avoideth all
incitements to them, by teaching those he converses with, from his own
example, to keep a great way within the bounds of decency and respect.
And it is indeed true, that no man is more apt to take fire, upon the
least appearance of provocation; which temper he strives to subdue, with
the utmost violence upon himself: so that his breast has been seen to
heave, and his eyes to sparkle with rage, in those very moments when his
words, and the cadence of his voice, were in the humblest and softest
manner: perhaps that force upon his nature may cause that insatiable
love of revenge, which his detractors lay to his charge, who
consequently reckon dissimulation among his chief perfections. Avarice
he hath none; and his ambition is gratified, by being the uncontested
head of his party. With an excellent understanding, adorned by all the
polite parts of learning, he hath very little taste for conversation, to
which he prefers the pleasure of reading and thinking; and in the
intervals of his time amuseth himself with an illiterate chaplain, an
humble companion, or a favourite servant.

[Footnote 11: See note on p. 29 of vol. i. of present edition. Swift's
"Dedication" of "A Tale of a Tub" to Somers strikes a somewhat different
note from that of this "character." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 12: His father, John Somers, was an attorney at law in the
town of Worcester. [S.]]

These are some few distinguishing marks in the character of that person,
who now presideth over the discontented party, although he be not
answerable for all their mistakes; and if his precepts had been more
strictly followed, perhaps their power would not have been so easily
shaken. I have been assured, and heard him profess, that he was against
engaging in that foolish prosecution of Dr. Sacheverell, as what he
foresaw was likely to end in their ruin; that he blamed the rough
demeanour of some persons to the Queen, as a great failure in prudence;
and that, when it appeared Her Majesty was firmly resolved upon a treaty
of peace, he advised his friends not to oppose it in its progress, but
find fault with it after it was made; which would be a copy of the like
usage themselves had met with, after the treaty of Ryswick;[13] and the
safest, as well as the most probable, way of disgracing the promoters
and advisers. I have been the larger in representing to the reader some
idea of this extraordinary genius, because, whatever attempt hath
hitherto been made, with any appearance of conduct, or probability of
success, to restore the dominion of that party,[14] was infallibly
contrived by him; and I prophesy the same for the future, as long as his
age and infirmities will leave him capable of business.

[Footnote 13: See note in vol. v., p. 67, of present edition, [T.S.]]

[Footnote 14: P. Fitzgerald says "faction." [W.S.J.]]

The Duke of Marlborough's character[15] hath been so variously drawn,
and is indeed of so mixed a nature in itself, that it is hard to
pronounce on either side, without the suspicion of flattery or
detraction. I shall say nothing of his military accomplishments, which
the opposite reports, of his friends and enemies among the soldiers,
have rendered[26] problematical: but if he be among those who delight in
war, it is agreed to be not for the reasons common with other generals.
Those maligners who deny him personal valour, seem not to consider that
this accusation is charged at a venture; since the person of a wise
general is too seldom exposed, to form any judgment in the matter: and
that fear, which is said to have sometimes[17] disconcerted him before
an action, might probably be more for his army than for himself.[18] He
was bred in the height of what is called the Tory principle; and
continued with a strong bias that way, till the other party had bid
higher for him than his friends could afford to give. His want of
literature is in some sort supplied by a good understanding, a degree of
natural elocution, and that knowledge of the world which is learned in
armies and courts. We are not to take the height of his ambition from
his soliciting to be general for life:[19] I am persuaded his chief
motive was the pay and perquisites, by continuing the war; and that he
had _then_ no intentions of settling the crown in his family, his only
son having been dead some years before.[20] He is noted to be master of
great temper, able to govern or very well to disguise his passions,
which are all melted down, or extinguished, in his love of wealth. That
liberality which nature has denied him, with respect of money, he makes
up by a great profusion of promises: but this perfection, so necessary
in courts, is not very successful in camps among soldiers, who are not
refined enough to understand or to relish it.[21]

[Footnote 15: For further remarks on Marlborough, see Swift's "Conduct
of the Allies," "The Learned Comment on Dr. Hare's Sermon," and "The
Examiner." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 16: P. Fitzgerald adds "altogether." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 17: P. Fitzgerald says "usually." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 18: This reflection on Marlborough's personal courage was one
of the points noted by Erasmus Lewis in his letter to Swift of April
8th, 1738. The friends who had met to read and pass opinion on this
"History" decided that in any printed form of this work it would be
advisable not to call in question the courage of Marlborough. See Sir W.
Scott's edition, vol. xix., pp. 133-136. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 19: See "Memoirs Relating to that Change," etc., in vol. v.,
pp. 372-373 of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 20: See "The Conduct of the Allies," vol. v., p. 103, and also
"A Learned Comment," etc., p. 179 of same volume of present edition.
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 21: See the Letter to Marcus Crassus in "The Examiner," No. 28
in vol. ix. of present edition. [T.S.]]

His wife, the Duchess, may justly challenge her place in this list. It
is to her the Duke is chiefly indebted for his greatness and his fall;
for above twenty years she possessed, without a rival, the favours of
the most indulgent mistress in the world, nor ever missed one single
opportunity that fell in her way of improving it to her own
advantage.[22] She hath preserved a tolerable court reputation, with
respect to love and gallantry;[23] but three Furies reigned in her
breast, the most mortal enemies of all softer passions, which were
sordid Avarice, disdainful Pride, and ungovernable Rage; by the last of
these often breaking out in sallies of the most unpardonable sort, she
had long alienated her sovereign's mind, before it appeared to the
world.[24] This lady is not without some degree of wit, and hath in her
time affected the character of it, by the usual method of arguing
against religion, and proving the doctrines of Christianity to be
impossible and absurd. Imagine what such a spirit, irritated by the loss
of power, favour, and employment, is capable of acting or attempting;
and then I have said enough.

[Footnote 22: See the "Account of the Conduct of the Duchess of
Marlborough, in a Letter from Herself, to Lord ----," 8vo, 1742,
_passim_. [N.] See also "Memoirs Relating to that Change," etc., in vol.
v. of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 23: P. Fitzgerald adds "(to which, however, she hath been
thought not entirely a stranger)." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 24: See note in vol. v., p. 368, of present edition. [T.S.]]

The next in order to be mentioned is the Earl of Godolphin.[25] It is
said, he was originally intended for a trade, before his friends
preferred him to be a page at court; which some have very unjustly
objected as a reproach. He hath risen gradually in four reigns, and was
much more constant to his second master King James than some others, who
had received much greater obligations; for he attended the abdicated
King to the sea-side, and kept constant correspondence with him till the
day of his death. He always professed a sort of passion for the Queen at
St. Germain's; and his letters were to her in the style of what the
French call _double entendre_. In a mixture of love and respect, he used
frequently to send her from hence little presents of those things which
are agreeable to ladies, for which he always asked King William's leave,
as if without her privity; because, if she had known that circumstance,
it was to be supposed she would not accept them. Physiognomists would
hardly discover, by consulting the aspect of this lord, that his
predominant passions were love and play; that he could sometimes scratch
out a song in praise of his mistress, with a pencil and card; or that he
hath tears at command, like a woman, to be used either in an intrigue of
gallantry or politics. His alliance with the Marlborough family, and his
passion for the Duchess, were the cords which dragged him into a party,
whose principles he naturally disliked, and whose leaders he personally
hated, as they did him. He became a thorough convert by a perfect
trifle; taking fire at a nickname[26] delivered by Dr. Sacheverell, with
great indiscretion, from the pulpit, which he applied to himself: and
this is one among many instances given by his enemies, that magnanimity
is none of his virtues.

[Footnote 25: See note in vol. v., p. 68, of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 26: Volpone. [ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

The Earl of Sunderland[27] is another of that alliance. It seems to have
been this gentleman's fortune, to have learned his divinity from his
uncle,[28] and his politics from his tutor.[29] It may be thought a
blemish in his character, that he hath much fallen from the height of
those republican[30] principles with which he began; for in his father's
lifetime, while he was a Member of the House of Commons, he would often,
among his familiar friends, refuse the title of Lord (as he hath done to
myself), swear he would never be called otherwise than Charles Spencer,
and hoped to see the day when there should not be a peer in England. His
understanding, at the best, is of the middling size; neither hath he
much improved it, either in reality, or, which is very unfortunate, even
in the opinion of the world, by an overgrown library.[31] It is hard to
decide, whether he learned that rough way of treating his sovereign from
the lady he is allied to,[32] or whether it be the result of his own
nature. The sense of the injuries he hath done, renders him (as it is
very natural) implacable towards those to whom he hath given greatest
cause to complain; for which reason he will never forgive either the
Queen or the present treasurer.

[Footnote 27: See note in vol. v., pp. 377-378 of present edition.
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 28: John Digby, third earl of Bristol. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 29: Dr. Trimnel, since Bishop of Winton. [ORIGINAL NOTE.] He
was Bishop of Norwich, 1708-1721, and of Winchester from 1721 till his
death in 1723. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 30: P. Fitzgerald says "Whiggish." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 31: The library that made such a sensation in the
bibliographical world when it was sold at auction in the latter part of
the last century. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 32: His lordship married the Duchess of Marlborough's second
daughter. "Account, etc.," p. 286. [N.]]

The Earl of Wharton[33] hath filled the province allotted him by his
colleagues, with sufficiency equal to the ablest of them all. He hath
imbibed his father's[34] principles in government; but dropped his
religion, and took up no other in its stead: excepting that
circumstance, he is a firm Presbyterian. He is perfectly skilled in all
the arts of managing at elections, as well as in large baits of pleasure
for making converts of young men of quality, upon their first
appearance; in which public service he contracted such large debts, that
his brethren were forced, out of mere justice, to leave Ireland at his
mercy, where he had only time to set himself right. Although the graver
heads of his party think him too profligate and abandoned, yet they dare
not be ashamed of him; for, beside his talents above mentioned, he is
very useful in Parliament, being a ready speaker, and content to employ
his gift upon such occasions, where those who conceive they have any
remainder of reputation or modesty are ashamed to appear. In short, he
is an uncontestable instance to discover the true nature of faction;
since, being overrun with every quality which produceth contempt and
hatred, in all other commerce of the world, he hath, notwithstanding,
been able to make so considerable a figure.

[Footnote 33: See also "A Short Character," etc. in vol. v. and "The
Examiner," Nos. 18 and 23, in vol. ix. of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 34: The Earl, his father, was a rigid Presbyterian. [ORIGINAL
NOTE.]]

The Lord Cowper,[35] although his merits are later than the rest,
deserveth a rank in this great council. He was considerable in the
station of a practising lawyer; but, as he was raised to be a
chancellor, and a peer, without passing through any of the intermediate
steps, which in late times hath been the constant practice, and little
skilled[36] in the nature of government, or the true interests of
princes, further than the municipal or common law of England; his
abilities, as to foreign affairs, did not equally appear in the council.
Some former passages of his life were thought to disqualify him for that
office, by which he was to be the guardian of the Queen's
conscience;[37] but these difficulties were easily overruled by the
authors of his promotion, who wanted a person that would be subservient
to all their designs; wherein they were not disappointed. As to his
other accomplishments, he was what we usually call a piece of a scholar,
and a good logical reasoner; if this were not too often allayed, by a
fallacious way of managing an argument, which made him apt to deceive
the unwary, and sometimes to deceive himself.

[Footnote 35: See vol. v., p. 372 of present edition. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 36: P. Fitzgerald says "altogether unskilled." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 37: See "The Examiner," Nos. 18 and 23, in vol. ix. of this
edition. [W.S.J.]]

The last to be spoken of in this list is the Earl of Nottingham,[38] a
convert and acquisition to that party since their fall, to which he
contributed his assistance; I mean his words, and probably his wishes;
for he had always lived under the constant visible profession of
principles, directly opposite to those of his new friends. His vehement
and frequent speeches against admitting the Prince of Orange to the
throne are yet to be seen; and although a numerous family gave a
specious pretence to his love of power and money, for taking an
employment under that monarch, yet he was allowed to have always kept a
reserve of allegiance to his exiled master; of which his friends produce
several instances, and some while he was secretary of state to King
William. His outward regularity of life, his appearance of religion, and
seeming zeal for the Church, as they are an effect, so they are the
excuse for that stiffness and formality with which his nature[39] is
fraught. His adust complexion disposeth him to rigour[40] and severity,
which his admirers palliate with the name of zeal. No man had ever a
sincerer countenance, or more truly representing his mind and manners.
He hath some knowledge in the law, very amply sufficient to defend his
property at least.[41] A facility of utterance, descended to him from
his father,[42] and improved by a few sprinklings of literature, hath
brought himself, and some few admirers, into an opinion of his
eloquence. He is every way inferior to his brother Guernsey,[43] but
chiefly in those talents which he most values and pretends to; over
whom, nevertheless, he preserveth an ascendant.[44] His great ambition
was to be the head of those who were called the Church party; and,
indeed, his grave solemn deportment and countenance, seconded by
abundance of professions for their service, had given many of them an
opinion of his veracity,[45] which he interpreted as their sense of his
judgment and wisdom;[46] and this mistake lasted till the time of his
defection, of which it was partly the cause; but then it plainly
appeared, that he had not credit to bring over one single proselyte, to
keep himself in countenance.

[Footnote 38: See notes in vol. v., pp. 246-248 of present edition.
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 39: P. Fitzgerald says "that stiffness, pride, and formality
with which his intractable nature." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 40: P. Fitzgerald says "to cruelty." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote: 41 P. Fitzgerald says "some smattering in the law, which
makes it not very safe or easy to deal with him, where property is
concerned." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 42: P. Fitzgerald adds "grafted upon a wrong understanding."
[W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 43: Heneage Finch was created Lord Guernsey in 1703, and Earl
of Aylesford in 1714. He died in 1719. [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 44: P. Fitzgerald adds "I suppose by the right of
primogeniture." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 45: P. Fitzgerald says "of his honesty." [W.S.J.]]

[Footnote 46: He acquired, from his solemnity of deportment, the
nickname of _Diego_ and from his gravity, that of _Dismal_. [S.]]

These lineaments, however imperfectly drawn, may help the reader's
imagination to conceive what sort of persons those were, who had the
boldness to encounter the Queen and ministry, at the head of a great
majority of the landed interest; and this upon a point where the quiet
of Her Majesty's reign, the security, or at least the freedom, of her
person, the lives of her most faithful friends, and the settling of the
nation by a peace, were, in the consequences, deeply concerned.[47]

[Footnote 47: It was these "lineaments, imperfectly drawn," that Erasmus
Lewis specially emphasized for omission, in his letter to Swift already
referred to. "Now I have mentioned characters," wrote Lewis, "I must
tell you that they [the friends who had met to read the 'History' in
manuscript] were clearly of opinion, that if those you have drawn should
be published as they now stand, nothing could save the author's printer
and publishers from some grievous punishment. As we have no traces of
liberty now left but the freedom of the press, it is the most earnest
desire of your friends that you would strike out all that you have said
on that subject" (Sir W. Scott's edit., vol. xix., pp. 133-136). [T.S.]]

During the dominion of the late men in power, addresses had been
procured from both Houses to the Queen, representing their opinion, that
no peace could be secure for Britain, while Spain or the West Indies
remained in the possession of the Bourbon family. But Her Majesty
having, for reasons which have been often told to the world, and which
will not soon be forgotten, called a new Parliament, and chose a new set
of servants, began to view things and persons in another light. She
considered the necessities of her people, the distant prospect of a
peace upon such an improbable condition, which was never mentioned or
understood in the grand alliance; the unequal burthen she bore in the
war, by the practices of the allies upon the corruption of some whom she
most trusted, or perhaps by the practices of these upon the allies; and,
lastly, by the changes which death had brought about in the Austrian and
Bourbon families. Upon all which motives she was prevailed upon to
receive some overtures from France, in behalf of herself and the whole
confederacy. The several steps of this negotiation, from its first rise
to the time I am now writing, shall be related in another part of this
History. Let it suffice for the present to say, that such proposals were
received from France as were thought sufficient by our court whereupon
to appoint time and place for a general treaty; and soon after the
opening of the session, the Bishop[48] of Bristol, lord privy seal, was
dispatched to Utrecht, where he and the Earl of Strafford were appointed
plenipotentiaries for the Queen of Great Britain.

[Footnote 48: Dr. Robinson, afterwards Bishop of London. [ORIGINAL
NOTE.]]

The managers of the discontented party, who, during the whole summer,
had observed the motions of the court running fast towards a peace,
began to gather up all their forces, in order to oppose Her Majesty's
designs, when the Parliament should meet. Their only strength was in the
House of Lords, where the Queen had a very crazy majority, made up by
those whose hearts were in the other interest; but whose fears,
expectations, or immediate dependence, had hitherto kept them within
bounds. There were two lords upon whose abilities and influence, of a
very different nature, the managers built their strongest hopes. The
first was the Duke of Somerset, master of the horse. This duke, as well
as his duchess, was in a good degree of favour with the Queen, upon the
score of some civilities and respects Her Majesty had received from
them, while she was princess.[49] For some years after the Revolution,
he never appeared at court, but was looked upon as a favourer of the
abdicated family; and it was the late Earl of Rochester who first
presented him to King William. However, since the time he came into
employment, which was towards the close of the last reign, he hath been
a constant zealous member of the other party; but never failed in either
attendance or respect towards the Queen's person, or, at most, only
threatened sometimes, that he would serve no longer, while such or such
men were employed; which, as things went then, was not reckoned any
offence at all against duty or good behaviour. He had been much caressed
and flattered by the Lords of the Junto,[50] who sometimes went so far
as to give him hopes of the crown, in reversion to his family, upon
failure of the house of Hanover. All this worked so far upon his
imagination, that he affected to appear the head of their party, to
which his talents were no way proportioned; for they soon grew weary of
his indigested schemes, and his imperious manner of obtruding them: they
began to drop him at their meetings, or contradicted him, with little
ceremony, when he happened to be there, which his haughty nature[51] was
not able to brook. Thus a mortal quarrel was kindled between him and the
whole assembly of party leaders; so that, upon the Queen's first
intentions of changing her ministry, soon after the trial of Dr.
Sacheverell, he appointed several meetings with Mr. Harley alone, in the
most private manner, in places and at times least liable to suspicion.
He employed all his credit with the Queen to drive on the removal of my
Lord Godolphin, and the rest; and, in the council, treated the small
remainder, who continued some time longer in their places, with all
possible marks of hatred or disdain. But when the question came for
dissolving the Parliament, he stopped short: he had already satiated his
resentments, which were not against things, but persons: he furiously
opposed that counsel, and promised to undertake for the Parliament
himself. When the Queen had declared her pleasure for the dissolution,
he flew off in greater rage than ever; opposed the court in all
elections, where he had influence or power; and made very humble[52]
advances to reconcile himself with the discarded lords, especially the
Earl of Godolphin, who is reported to have treated him at Newmarket in a
most contemptuous manner. But the sincerity of his repentance, which
appeared manifestly in the first session of the new Parliament, and the
use he might be of by his own remaining credit, or rather that of his
duchess, with the Queen, at length begat a reconcilement. He still kept
his employment, and place in the cabinet council; but had never appeared
there, from an avowed dislike of all persons and proceedings. It
happened about the end of summer, one thousand seven hundred and eleven,
at Windsor, when the cabinet council was summoned, this duke, whether by
directions from his teachers, or the instability of his nature, took a
fancy to resume his place, and a chair was brought accordingly; upon
which Mr. Secretary St. John refused to assist, and gave his reasons,
that he would never sit in council with a man who had so often betrayed
them, and was openly engaged with a faction which endeavoured to
obstruct all Her Majesty's measures. Thus the council was put off to
next day, and the duke made no farther attempts to be there.[53] But,
upon this incident, he declared open war against the ministry; and, from
that time to the session, employed himself in spiriting up several
depending lords to adhere to their friends, when an occasion should
offer. The arguments he made use of, were, that those in power designed
to make an ignominious and insecure peace, without consulting the
allies; that this could be no otherwise prevented than by an address
from the Lords, to signify their opinion, that no peace could be
honourable or secure, while Spain or the West Indies remained in any of
the Bourbon family:[54] upon which several farther resolutions and
inquiries would naturally follow; that the differences between the two
Houses, upon this point, must either be made up by the Commons agreeing
with the Lords, or must end in a dissolution, which would be followed by
a return of the old ministry, who, by the force of money and management,
could easily get another Parliament to their wishes. He farther assured
them boldly, that the Queen herself was at the bottom of this design,
and had empowered him to desire their votes against the peace, as a
point that would be for her service; and therefore they need not be in
pain upon account of their pensions, or any farther marks of favour they
expected. Thus, by reviving the old art of using Her Majesty's authority
against her person, he prevailed over some, who were not otherwise in a
station of life to oppose the crown; and his proselytes may pretend to
some share of pity, since he offered for an argument his own example,
who kept his place and favour, after all he had done to deserve the loss
of both.