[Footnote 4: There can be little doubt that De Torcy's resentment
against the Dutch, as expressed in the first of the propositions above
cited, was an affected one, since it is well known that the Dutch were,
at the very time these propositions were sent to England, and even for
some time previously, engaged in separate overtures with the French
Court. Indeed, according to Prior ("History of his Own Time"), they had
been so engaged ever since the breaking up of the Gertruydenberg
Conference; and when Prior arrived in France in August, 1711, he was
shown three letters written as from the Pensionary, but probably by
Petecum, promising Louis every advantage if the Conference so unhappily
broken off at Gertruydenberg were renewed. "The negotiations must be
secret and separate," reported Prior, "His Most Christian Majesty need
only name his own terms." Swift knew of the existence of at least one of
these letters, because he was very anxious to obtain it "to get some
particulars for my History," as he notes in his "Journal," "one letter
of Petecum's showing the roguery of the Dutch." See also "Portland
Manuscripts," vol. v., p. 34 _et seq_. [T.S.]]

They seemed altogether to distrust the inclination of that republic
towards a peace; but at the same time shewed a mighty complaisance to
the English nation, and a desire to have Her Majesty at the head of a
treaty. This appears by the first overture in form sent from that
kingdom, and signed by Mons. de Torcy, on the twenty-second of April,
N.S. one thousand seven hundred and eleven, to the following effect:

"That as it could not be doubted but the King was in a condition of
continuing the war with honour, so it could not be looked on as a mark
of weakness in His Majesty to break the silence he had kept since the
conferences at Gertruydenberg; and that, before the opening of the
campaign, he now gives farther proof of the desire he always had to
procure the repose of Europe. But after what he hath found, by
experience, of the sentiments of those persons who now govern the
republic of Holland, and of their industry in rendering all negotiations
without effect, His Majesty will, for the public good, offer to the
English nation those propositions, which he thinks fit to make for
terminating the war, and for settling the tranquillity of Europe upon a
solid foundation. It is with this view that he offers to enter into a
treaty of peace, founded on the following conditions.

"First, The English nation shall have real securities for carrying on
their trade in Spain, the Indies, and ports of the Mediterranean.

"Secondly, The King will consent to form a sufficient barrier in the Low
Countries, for the security of the republic of Holland; and this barrier
shall be such as England shall agree upon and approve; His Majesty
promising, at the same time, an entire liberty and security to the trade
of the Dutch.

"Thirdly, All reasonable methods shall be thought on, with sincerity and
truth, for giving satisfaction to the allies of England and Holland.

"Fourthly, Whereas the affairs of the King of Spain are in so good a
condition as to furnish new expedients for putting an end to the
disputes about that monarchy, and for settling it to the satisfaction of
the several parties concerned, all sincere endeavours shall be used for
surmounting the difficulties arisen upon this occasion; and the trade
and interest of all parties engaged in the present war shall be secured.

"Fifthly, The conferences, in order to treat of a peace upon these
conditions, shall be immediately opened; and the plenipotentiaries, whom
the King shall name to assist thereat, shall treat with those of England
and Holland, either alone, or in conjunction with those of their allies,
as England shall choose.

"Sixthly, His Majesty proposes the towns of Aix la Chapelle or Liège,
for the place where the plenipotentiaries shall assemble, leaving the
choice likewise to England of either of the said towns, wherein to treat
a general peace."

These overtures, although expressing much confidence in the ministry
here, great deference to the Queen, and displeasure against the Dutch,
were immediately transmitted by Her Majesty's command to her ambassador
in Holland, with orders, that they should be communicated to the
pensionary. The Abbé Gaultier was desired to signify this proceeding to
the Marquis de Torcy; at the same time to let that minister understand,
that some of the above articles ought to be explained. The Lord Raby,
now Earl of Stafford, was directed to tell the Pensionary, that Her
Majesty being resolved, in making peace as in making war, to act in
perfect concert with the States, would not lose a moment in transmitting
to him a paper of this importance: that the Queen earnestly desired,
that the secret might be kept among as few as possible; and that she
hoped the Pensionary would advise upon this occasion with no person
whatsoever, except such, as by the constitution of that government, are
unavoidably necessary: that the terms of the several propositions were
indeed too general; but, however, they contained an offer to treat: and
that, although there appeared an air of complaisance to England through
the whole paper, and the contrary to Holland, yet this could have no ill
consequences, as long as the Queen and the States took care to
understand each other, and to act with as little reserve as became two
powers, so nearly allied in interest; which rule, on the part of
Britain, should be inviolably observed. It was signified likewise to the
Pensionary, that the Duke of Marlborough had no communication of this
affair from England, and that it was supposed he would have none from
The Hague.

After these proposals had been considered in Holland, the ambassador was
directed to send back the opinion of the Dutch ministers upon them. The
court here was, indeed, apprehensive, that the Pensionary would be
alarmed at the whole frame of Monsieur de Torcy's paper, and
particularly at these expressions, "That the English shall have real
securities for their trade, &c." and "that the barrier for the
States-General shall be such as England shall agree upon and approve."
It was natural to think, that the fear which the Dutch would conceive of
our obtaining advantageous terms for Britain, might put them upon trying
underhand for themselves, and endeavouring to overreach us in the
management of the peace, as they had hitherto done in that of the war:
the ambassador was therefore cautioned to be very watchful in
discovering any workings, which might tend that way.

When the Lord Raby was first sent to The Hague, the Duke of Marlborough,
and Lord Townshend, had, for very obvious reasons, used their utmost
endeavours to involve him in as many difficulties as they could; upon
which, and other accounts, needless to mention, it was thought proper,
that his Grace, then in Flanders, should not be let into the secret of
this affair.

The proposal of Aix or Liège for a place of treaty, was only a farther
mark of their old discontent against Holland, to shew they would not
name any town which belonged to the States.

The Pensionary having consulted those who had been formerly employed in
the negotiations of peace, and enjoined them the utmost secrecy, to
avoid the jealousy of the foreign ministers there, desired the
ambassador to return Her Majesty thanks, for the obliging manner of
communicating the French overtures, for the confidence she placed in the
States, and for her promise of making no step towards a peace, but in
concert with them, assuring her of the like on their part: that although
the States endeavoured to hide it from the enemy, they were as weary of
the war as we, and very heartily desirous of a good and lasting peace,
as well as ready to join in any method, by which Her Majesty should
think proper to obtain it: that the States looked upon these
propositions as very dark and general; and they observed how the enemy
would create jealousies between the Queen, their republic, and the other
allies; but they were satisfied it would have no effect, and relied
entirely on the justness and prudence of Her Majesty, who they doubted
not, would make the French explain themselves more particularly in the
several points of their proposals, and send a plan of the particular
conditions whereupon they would make a peace: after which, the States
would be ready, either to join with Her Majesty, or to make their
objections, and were prepared to bring with them all the facility
imaginable, towards promoting so good a work.

This is the sum of the verbal answer made by the Pensionary, upon
communicating to him the French proposals; and I have chosen to set it
down, rather than transcribe the other given to the ambassador some days
after, which was more in form, and to the same purpose, but shorter, and
in my opinion not so well discovering the true disposition of the Dutch
ministers.

For after the Queen had transmitted the French overtures to Holland, and
the States found Her Majesty was bent in earnest upon the thoughts of a
peace, they began to cast about how to get the negotiation into their
own hands. They knew that whatever power received the first proposals,
would be wise enough to stipulate something for themselves, as they had
done in their own case, both at The Hague and Gertruydenberg, where they
carved as they pleased, without any regard to the interests of their
nearest allies. For this reason, while they endeavoured to amuse the
British court with expostulations upon the several preliminaries sent
from France, Monsieur Petecum, a forward meddling agent of Holstein, who
had resided some years in Holland, negotiated with Heinsius, the Grand
Pensionary, as well as with Vanderdussen and Buys, about restoring the
conferences between France and that republic, broke off in
Gertruydenberg. Pursuant to which, about the end of May, N.S. one
thousand seven hundred and eleven, Petecum wrote to the Marquis de
Torcy, with the privity of the Pensionary, and probably of the other
two. The substance of his letter was to inform the Marquis, that things
might easily be disposed, so as to settle a correspondence between that
crown and the republic, in order to renew the treaty of peace. That this
could be done with the greater secrecy, because Monsieur Heinsius, by
virtue of his oath as Pensionary, might keep any affair private as long
as he thought necessary, and was not obliged to communicate it, until he
believed things were ripe; and as long as he concealed it from his
masters, he was not bound to discover it, either to the ministers of the
Emperor, or those of her British Majesty. That since England thought it
proper for King Charles to continue the whole campaign in Catalonia,
(though he should be chosen emperor) in order to support the war in
Spain, it was necessary for France to treat in the most secret manner
with the States, who were not now so violently, as formerly, against
having Philip on the Spanish throne, upon certain conditions for
securing their trade, but were jealous of England's design to fortify
some trading towns in Spain for themselves. That Heinsius, extremely
desired to get out of the war for some reasons, which he (Petecum) was
not permitted to tell; and that Vanderdussen and Buys were impatient to
have the negotiations with France once more set on foot, which, if
Monsieur Torcy thought fit to consent to, Petecum engaged that the
States would determine to settle the preliminaries, in the midway
between Paris and The Hague, with whatever ministers the Most Christian
King should please to employ. But Monsieur Torcy refused this overture,
and in his answer to Monsieur Petecum, assigned for the reason the
treatment his master's former proposals had met with at The Hague and
Gertruydenberg, from the ministers of Holland. Britain and Holland
seemed pretty well agreed, that those proposals were too loose and
imperfect to be a foundation for entering upon a general treaty; and
Monsieur Gaultier was desired to signify to the French court, that it
was expected they should explain themselves more particularly on the
several articles.

But in the mean time the Queen was firmly resolved, that the interests
of her own kingdoms should not be neglected at this juncture, as they
had formerly twice been, while the Dutch were principal managers of a
negotiation with France. Her Majesty had given frequent and early notice
to the States, of the general disposition of her people towards a peace,
of her own inability to continue the war upon the old foot, under the
disadvantage of unequal quotas, and the universal backwardness of her
allies. She had likewise informed them of several advances made to her
on the side of France, which she had refused to hearken to, till she had
consulted with those, her good friends and confederates, and heard their
opinion on that subject: but the Dutch, who apprehended nothing more
than to see Britain at the head of a treaty, were backward and sullen,
disliked all proposals by the Queen's intervention, and said it was a
piece of artifice of France to divide the allies; besides, they knew the
ministry was young, and the opposite faction had given them assurances,
that the people of England would never endure a peace without Spain, nor
the men in power dare to attempt it, after the resolutions of one House
of Parliament to the contrary. But, in the midst of this unwillingness
to receive any overtures from France by the Queen's hands, the Dutch
ministers were actually engaged in a correspondence with that court,
where they urged our inability to begin a treaty, by reason of those
factions which themselves had inflamed, and were ready to commence a
negotiation upon much easier terms than what they supposed we demanded.
For not to mention the Duke of Lorraine's interposition in behalf of
Holland, which France absolutely refused to accept; the letters sent
from the Dutch to that court, were shewn some months after to a British
minister there,[5] which gave much weight to Monsieur de Torcy's
insinuations; that he knew where to meet with more compliance, if the
necessity of affairs should force him to it, by our refusal. And the
violence of the States against our entertaining of that correspondence,
was only because they knew theirs would never be accepted, at least till
ours were thrown off.

[Footnote 5: Matthew Prior. See note, _ante_, p. 55. [T.S.]] The Queen,
sensible of all this, resolved to provide for her own kingdoms; and
having therefore prepared such demands for her principal allies, as
might be a ground for proceeding to a general treaty, without pretending
to adjust their several interests, she resolved to stipulate in a
particular manner the advantage of Britain: the following preliminary
demands were accordingly drawn up, in order to be transmitted to France.

"Great Britain will not enter into any negotiation of peace, otherwise
than upon these conditions, obtained beforehand.

"That the union of the two crowns of France and Spain shall be
prevented: that satisfaction shall be given to all the allies, and trade
settled and maintained.

"If France be disposed to treat upon this view, it is not to be doubted
that the following propositions will be found reasonable.

"A barrier shall be formed in the Low Countries for the States-General;
and their trade shall be secured.

"A barrier likewise shall be formed for the Empire.

"The pretensions of all the allies, founded upon former treaties, shall
be regulated and determined to their general satisfaction.

"In order to make a more equal balance of power in Italy, the dominions
and territories, which in the beginning of the present war belonged to
the Duke of Savoy, and are now in the possession of France, shall be
restored to his Royal Highness; and such other places in Italy shall be
yielded to him, as will be found necessary and agreeable to the sense of
former treaties made with this prince.

"As to Great Britain in particular, the succession to the crown of the
kingdoms, according to the present establishment, shall be acknowledged.

"A new treaty of commerce between Great Britain and France shall be
made, after the most just and reasonable manner.

"Dunkirk shall be demolished.

"Gibraltar and Port-Mahon shall remain in the hands of the present
possessors.

"The English shall have the Assiento in the same manner the French now
enjoy it; and such places in the Spanish West Indies shall be assigned
to those concerned in this traffic, for the refreshment and sale of
their negroes, as shall be found necessary and convenient.

"All advantages, rights, and privileges already granted, and which may
hereafter be granted by Spain to the subjects of France, or to any other
nation whatsoever, shall be equally granted to the subjects of Great
Britain.

"And for better securing the British trade in the Spanish West Indies,
certain places to be named in the treaty of peace, shall be put into
possession of the English.

"Newfoundland, with the Bay and Straits of Hudson, shall be entirely
restored to the English; and Great Britain and France shall severally
keep and possess all those countries and territories in North America,
which each of the said nations shall be in possession of at the time
when the ratification of this treaty shall be published in those parts
of the world.

"These demands, and all other proceedings between Great Britain and
France, shall be kept inviolably secret, until they are published by the
mutual consent of both parties."

The last article was not only intended for avoiding, if possible, the
jealousy of the Dutch, but to prevent the clamours of the abettors here
at home, who, under the pretended fears of our doing injustice to the
Dutch, by acting without the privity of that republic, in order to make
a separate peace, would be ready to drive on the worst designs against
the Queen and ministry, in order to recover the power they had lost.

In June, one thousand seven hundred and eleven, Mr. Prior, a person of
great distinction, not only on account of his wit, but for his abilities
in the management of affairs, and who had been formerly employed at the
French court, was dispatched thither by Her Majesty with the foregoing
demands. This gentleman was received at Versailles with great civility.
The King declared, that no proceeding, in order to a general treaty,
would be so agreeable to him as by the intervention of England; and that
His Majesty, being desirous to contribute with all his power towards the
repose of Europe, did answer to the demands which had been made,

"That he would consent freely and sincerely to all just and reasonable
methods, for hindering the crowns of France and Spain from being ever
united under the same prince; His Majesty being persuaded, that such an
excess of power would be as contrary to the general good and repose of
Europe, as it was opposite to the will of the late Catholic King Charles
the Second. He said his intention was, that all parties in the present
war should find their reasonable satisfaction in the intended treaty of
peace; and that trade should be settled and maintained for the future,
to the advantage of those nations which formerly possessed it.

"That as the King will exactly observe the conditions of peace, whenever
it shall be concluded, and as the object he proposeth to himself, is to
secure the frontiers of his own kingdom, without giving any sort of
disturbance to his neighbours, he promiseth to agree, that by the future
treaty of peace, the Dutch shall be put into possession of all such
fortified places as shall be specified in the said treaty to serve for a
barrier to that republic, against all attempts on the side of France. He
engages likewise to give all necessary securities, for removing the
jealousies raised among the German princes of His Majesty's designs.

"That when the conferences, in order to a general treaty, shall be
formed, all the pretensions of the several princes and states engaged in
the present war, shall be fairly and amicably discussed; nor shall any
thing be omitted, which may regulate and determine them to the
satisfaction of all parties.

"That, pursuant to the demands made by England, His Majesty promiseth to
restore to the Duke of Savoy these demesnes and territories, which
belonged to that prince at the beginning of this war, and which His
Majesty is now in possession of; and the King consents further, that
such other places in Italy shall be yielded to the Duke of Savoy, as
shall be found necessary, according to the sense of those treaties made
between the said Duke and his allies.

"That the King's sentiments of the present government of Great Britain,
the open declaration he had made in Holland of his resolution to treat
of peace, by applications to the English; the assurances he had given of
engaging the King of Spain to leave Gibraltar in their hands (all which
are convincing proofs of his perfect esteem for a nation still in war
with him); leave no room to doubt of His Majesty's inclination to give
England all securities and advantages for their trade, which they can
reasonably demand. But as His Majesty cannot persuade himself, that a
government, so clear-sighted as ours, will insist upon conditions which
must absolutely destroy the trade of France and Spain, as well as that
of all other nations of Europe, he thinks the demands made by Great
Britain may require a more particular discussion.

"That, upon this foundation, the King thought the best way of advancing
and perfecting a negotiation, the beginning of which he had seen with so
much satisfaction, would be to send into England a person instructed in
his intention, and authorized by him to agree upon securities for
settling the trade of the subjects of England; and those particular
advantages to be stipulated in their favour, without destroying the
trade of the French and Spaniards, or of other nations in Christendom.

"That therefore His Majesty had charged the person chosen for this
commission, to answer the other articles of the memorial given him by
Mr. Prior, the secret of which should be exactly observed."

Mons. de Torcy had, for some years past, used all his endeavours to
incline his master towards a peace, pursuant to the maxim of his uncle
Colbert, "That a long war was not for the interest of France." It was
for this reason the King made choice of him in the conferences at The
Hague; the bad success whereof, although it filled him with resentments
against the Dutch, did not alter his opinion: but he was violently
opposed by a party both in the court and kingdom, who pretended to fear
he would sacrifice the glory of the prince and country by too large
concessions; or perhaps would rather wish that the first offers should
have been still made to the Dutch, as a people more likely to be less
solicitous about the interest of Britain, than Her Majesty would
certainly be for theirs: and the particular design of Mr. Prior was to
find out, whether that minister had credit enough with his prince, and a
support from others in power, sufficient to overrule the faction against
peace.

Mr. Prior's journey[6] could not be kept a secret, as the court here at
first seemed to intend it. He was discovered at his return by an officer
of the port at Dover, where he landed, after six weeks absence; upon
which the Dutch Gazettes and English newspapers were full of
speculations.

[Footnote 6: See Swift's "A New Journey to Paris" (vol. v. of this
edition, pp. 187-205). [W.S.J.]]

At the same time with Mr. Prior there arrived from France Mons.
Mesnager, knight of the order of St. Michael, and one of the council of
trade to the Most Christian King. His commission was, in general,
empowering him to treat with the minister of any prince engaged in the
war against his master. In his first conferences with the Queen's
ministers, he pretended orders to insist, that Her Majesty should enter
upon particular engagements in several articles, which did not depend
upon her, but concerned only the interest of the allies reciprocally
with those of the Most Christian King; whereas the negotiation had begun
upon this principle, that France should consent to adjust the interests
of Great Britain in the first place, whereby Her Majesty would be
afterwards enabled, by her good offices on all sides, to facilitate the
general peace. The Queen resolved never to depart from this principle;
but was absolutely determined to remit the particular interests of the
allies to general conferences, where she would do the utmost in her
power to procure the repose of Europe, and the satisfaction of all
parties. It was plain, France could run no hazard by this proceeding,
because the preliminary articles would have no force before a general
peace was signed: therefore it was not doubted but Mons. Mesnager would
have orders to waive this new pretension, and go on in treating upon
that foot which was at first proposed. In short, the ministers required
a positive and speedy answer to the articles in question, since they
contained only such advantages and securities as Her Majesty thought she
had a right to require from any prince whatsoever, to whom the dominions
of Spain should happen to fall.

The particular demands of Britain were formed into eight articles; to
which Mons. Mesnager, having transmitted them to his court and received
new powers from thence, had orders to give his master's consent, by way
of answers to the several points, to be obligatory only after a general
peace. These demands, together with the answers of the French King, were
drawn up and signed by Mons. Mesnager, and Her Majesty's two principal
secretaries of state; whereof I shall here present an extract to the
reader.

In the preamble the Most Christian King sets forth, "That being
particularly informed by the last memorial which the British ministers
delivered to Mons. Mesnager, of the dispositions of this crown to
facilitate a general peace, to the satisfaction of the several parties
concerned; and His Majesty finding, in effect, as the said memorial
declares, that he runs no hazard by engaging himself in the manner there
expressed, since the preliminary articles will be of no force, until the
signing of the general peace; and being sincerely desirous to advance,
to the utmost of his power, the repose of Europe, especially by a way so
agreeable as the interposition of a Princess, whom so many ties of blood
ought to unite to him, and whose sentiments for the public tranquillity
cannot be doubted; His Majesty, moved by these considerations, hath
ordered Mons. Mesnager, knight, &c. to give the following answers, in
writing, to the articles contained in the memorial transmitted to him,
intituled, 'Preliminary Demands for Great Britain in particular.'"

The articles were these that follow.

"First, The succession to the crown to be acknowledged, according to the
present establishment.

"Secondly, A new treaty of commerce between Great Britain and France to
be made, after the most just and reasonable manner.

"Thirdly, Dunkirk to be demolished.

"Fourthly, Gibraltar and Port-Mahon to continue in the hands of those
who now possess them.

"Fifthly, The Assiento (or liberty of selling negroes to the Spanish
West Indies) to be granted to the English, in as full a manner as the
French possess it at present; and such places in the said West Indies to
be assigned to the persons concerned in this trade, for the refreshment
and sale of their negroes, as shall be found necessary and convenient.

"Sixthly, Whatever advantages, privileges, and rights are already, or
may hereafter be, granted by Spain to the subjects of France, or any
other nation, shall be equally granted to the subjects of Great Britain.

"Seventhly, For better protecting their trade in the Spanish West
Indies, the English shall be put into possession of such places as shall
be named in the treaty of peace.

"Or, as an equivalent for this article, that the Assiento be granted to
Britain for the term of thirty years.

"That the isle of St. Christopher's be likewise secured to the English.

"That the advantages and exemption from duties, promised by Monsieur
Mesnager, which he affirms will amount to fifteen _per cent_. upon all
goods of the growth and manufacture of Great Britain, be effectually
allowed.

"That whereas, on the side of the river of Plate, the English are not in
possession of any colony, a certain extent of territory be allowed them
on the said river, for refreshing and keeping their negroes, till they
are sold to the Spaniards; subject, nevertheless, to the inspection of
an officer appointed by Spain.

"Eighthly, Newfoundland and the Bay and Straits of Hudson, shall be
entirely restored to the English; and Great Britain and France shall
respectively keep whatever dominions in North America each of them shall
be in possession of, when the ratification of this treaty shall be
published in those parts of the world."

The six first articles were allowed without any difficulty, except that
about Dunkirk, where France was to have an equivalent, to be settled in
a general treaty.

Difficulty arising upon the seventh article, the proposed equivalent was
allowed instead thereof.

The last article was referred to the general treaty of peace, only the
French insisted to have the power of fishing for cod, and drying them on
the island of Newfoundland.

These articles were to be looked upon as conditions, which the Most
Christian King consented to allow; and whenever a general peace should
be signed, they were to be digested into the usual form of a treaty, to
the satisfaction of both crowns.

The Queen having thus provided for the security and advantage of her
kingdoms, whenever a peace should be made, and upon terms no way
interfering with the interest of her allies; the next thing in order,
was to procure from France such preliminary articles, as might be a
ground upon which to commence a general treaty. These were adjusted, and
signed the same day with the former; and having been delivered to the
several ministers residing here from the powers in alliance with
England, were quickly made public. But the various constructions and
censures which passed upon them, have made it necessary to give the
reader the following transcript:

"The King being willing to contribute all that is in his power, to the
re-establishing of the general peace. His Majesty declares,

"I. That he will acknowledge the Queen of Great Britain in that quality,
as also the succession of that crown, according to the settlement,

"II. That he will freely, and _bonâ fide_, consent to the taking all
just and reasonable measures, for hindering that the crowns of France
and Spain may ever be united on the head of the same prince; His Majesty
being persuaded, that this excess of power would be contrary to the good
and quiet of Europe.

"III. The King's intention is, that all the parties engaged in the
present war, without excepting any of them, may find their reasonable
satisfaction in the treaty of peace, which shall be made: That commerce
may be re-established and maintained for the future, to the advantage of
Great Britain, of Holland, and of the other nations, who have been
accustomed to exercise commerce.

"IV. As the King will likewise maintain exactly the observance of the
peace, when it shall be concluded, and the object, the King proposes to
himself, being to secure the frontiers of his kingdom, without
disturbing in any manner whatever the neighbouring states, he promises
to agree, by the treaty which shall be made, that the Dutch shall be put
in possession of the fortified places, which shall be mentioned, in the
Netherlands, to serve hereafter for a barrier; which may secure the
quiet of the republic of Holland against any enterprise from the part of
France.

"V. The King consents likewise, that a secure and convenient barrier
should be formed for the empire, and for the house of Austria.

"VI. Notwithstanding Dunkirk cost the King very great sums, as well to
purchase it, as to fortify it; and that it is further necessary to be at
very considerable expense for razing the works. His Majesty is willing
however to engage to cause them to be demolished, immediately after the
conclusion of the peace, on condition, that, for the fortifications of
that place, a proper equivalent, that may content him, be given him:
And, as England cannot furnish that equivalent, the discussion of it
shall be referred to the conferences to be held for the negotiation of
the peace.

"VII. When the conferences for the negotiation of the peace shall be
formed, all the pretensions of the princes and states, engaged in the
present war, shall be therein discussed _bonâ fide_, and amicably: And
nothing shall be omitted to regulate and terminate them, to the
satisfaction of all the parties.

"MESNAGER."

These overtures are founded upon the eighth article of the Grand
Alliance, made in one thousand seven hundred and one; wherein are
contained the conditions, without which a peace is not to be made; and
whoever compares both, will find the preliminaries to reach every point
proposed in that article, which those who censured them at home, if they
spoke their thoughts, did not understand: for nothing can be plainer,
than what the public hath often been told, that the recovery of Spain
from the house of Bourbon was a thing never imagined, when the war
began, but a just and reasonable satisfaction to the Emperor. Much less
ought such a condition to be held necessary at present, not only because
it is allowed on all hands to be impracticable, but likewise because, by
the changes in the Austrian and Bourbon families, it would not be safe:
neither did those, who were loudest in blaming the French preliminaries,
know any thing of the advantages privately stipulated for Britain, whose
interests, they assured us, were all made a sacrifice to the corruption
or folly of the managers; and therefore, because the opposers of peace
have been better informed by what they have since heard and seen, they
have changed their battery, and accused the ministers for betraying the
Dutch.

The Lord Raby, Her Majesty's ambassador at The Hague, having made a
short journey to England, where he was created Earl of Strafford, went
back to Holland about the beginning of October, one thousand seven
hundred and eleven, with the above preliminaries, in order to
communicate them to the Pensionary, and other ministers of the States.
The Earl was instructed to let them know, "That the Queen had, according
to their desire, returned an answer to the first propositions signed by
Mons. Torcy, signifying, that the French offers were thought, both by
Her Majesty and the States, neither so particular nor so full as they
ought to be; and insisting to have a distinct project formed, of such a
peace as the Most Christian King would be willing to conclude: that this
affair having been for some time transacted by papers, and thereby
subject to delays, Mons. Mesnager was at length sent over by France, and
had signed those preliminaries now communicated to them: that the
several articles did not, indeed, contain such particular concessions as
France must and will make in the course of a treaty; but that, however,
Her Majesty thought them a sufficient foundation whereon to open the
general conferences.

"That Her Majesty was unwilling to be charged with determining the
several interests of her allies, and therefore contented herself with
such general offers as might include all the particular demands, proper
to be made during the treaty; where the confederates must resolve to
adhere firmly together, in order to obtain from the enemy the utmost
that could be hoped for, in the present circumstances of affairs; which
rule, Her Majesty assured the States, she would, on her part, firmly
observe."

If the ministers of Holland should express any uneasiness, that Her
Majesty may have settled the interests of her own kingdoms, in a future
peace, by any private agreement, the ambassador was ordered to say,
"That the Queen had hitherto refused to have the treaty carried on in
her own kingdom, and would continue to do so, unless they (the Dutch)
constrained her to take another measure: That by these means the States,
and the rest of the allies, would have the opportunity of treating and
adjusting their different pretensions; which Her Majesty would promote
with all the zeal she had shewn for the common good, and the particular
advantage of that republic (as they must do her the justice to confess),
in the whole course of her reign: That the Queen had made no stipulation
for herself, which might clash with the interests of Holland; and that
the articles to be inserted in a future treaty, for the benefit of
Britain, were, for the most part, such as contained advantages, which
must either be continued to the enemy, or be obtained by Her Majesty;
but, however, that no concession should tempt her to hearken to a peace,
unless her good friends and allies the States General had all reasonable
satisfaction, as to their trade and barrier, as well as in all other
respects."

After these assurances given in the Queen's name, the Earl was to
insinuate, "That Her Majesty should have just reason to be offended, and
to think the proceeding between her and the States very unequal, if they
should pretend to have any further uneasiness upon this head: That being
determined to accept no advantages to herself, repugnant to their
interests, nor any peace, without their reasonable satisfaction, the
figure she had made during the whole course of the war, and the part she
had acted, superior to any of the allies, who were more concerned in
danger and interest, might justly entitle her to settle the concerns of
Great Britain, before she would consent to a general negotiation."

If the States should object the engagements the Queen was under, by
treaties, of making no peace but in concert with them, or the particular
obligations of the Barrier Treaty, the ambassador was to answer, "That,
as to the former, Her Majesty had not in any sort acted contrary
thereto; That she was so far from making a peace without their consent,
as to declare her firm resolution not to make it without their
satisfaction; and that what had passed between France and her, amounted
to no more than an introduction to a general treaty." As to the latter,
the Earl had orders to represent very earnestly, "How much it was even
for the interest of Holland itself, rather to compound the advantage of
the Barrier Treaty, than to insist upon the whole, which the house of
Austria, and several other allies, would never consent to: That nothing
could be more odious to the people of England than many parts of this
treaty; which would have raised universal indignation, if the utmost
care had not been taken to quiet the minds of those who were acquainted
with the terms of that guaranty, and to conceal them from those who were
not: That it was absolutely necessary to maintain a good harmony between
both nations, without which it would be impossible at any time to form a
strength for reducing an exorbitant power, or preserving the balance of
Europe: from whence it followed, that it could not be the true interest
of either country to insist upon any conditions, which might give just
apprehension to the other.

"That France had proposed Utrecht, Nimeguen, Aix, or Liège, wherein to
hold the general treaty; and Her Majesty was ready to send her
plenipotentiaries, to whichever of those towns the States should
approve."

If the imperial ministers, or those of the other allies, should object
against the preliminaries as no sufficient ground for opening the
conferences, and insist that France should consent to such articles as
were signed on the part of the allies in the year one thousand seven
hundred and nine, the Earl of Strafford was in answer directed to
insinuate, "That the French might have probably been brought to explain
themselves more particularly, had they not perceived the uneasiness,
impatience, and jealousy among the allies, during our transactions with
that court." However, he should declare to them, in the Queen's name,
"That if they were determined to accept of peace upon no terms inferior
to what was formerly demanded, Her Majesty was ready to concur with
them; but would no longer bear those disproportions of expense, yearly
increased upon her, nor the deficiency of the confederates in every part
of the war: That it was therefore incumbent upon them to furnish, for
the future, such quotas of ships and forces as they were now wanting in,
and to increase their expense, while Her Majesty reduced hers to a
reasonable and just proportion."

That if the ministers of Vienna and Holland should urge their inability
upon this head, the Queen insisted, "They ought to comply with her in
war or in peace; Her Majesty desiring nothing, as to the first, but what
they ought to perform, and what is absolutely necessary: and as to the
latter, that she had done, and would continue to do, the utmost in her
power towards obtaining such a peace as might be to the satisfaction of
all her allies."

Some days after the Earl of Stafford's departure to Holland, Mons. Buys,
pensionary of Amsterdam, arrived here from thence with instructions from
his masters, to treat upon the subject of the French preliminaries, and
the methods for carrying on the war. In his first conference with a
committee of council, he objected against all the articles, as too
general and uncertain; and against some of them, as prejudicial. He
said, "The French promising that trade should be re-established and
maintained for the future, was meant in order to deprive the Dutch of
their tariff of one thousand six hundred and sixty-four; for the
plenipotentiaries of that crown would certainly expound the word
_rétablir_, to signify no more than restoring the trade of the States to
the condition it was in immediately before the commencement of the
present war." He said, "That in the article of Dunkirk, the destruction
of the harbour was not mentioned; and that the fortifications were only
to be razed upon condition of an equivalent, which might occasion a
difference between Her Majesty and the States, since Holland would think
it hard to have a town less in their barrier for the demolition of
Dunkirk; and England would complain to have this thorn continue in their
side, for the sake of giving one town more to the Dutch."

Lastly, he objected, "That where the French promised effectual methods
should be taken to prevent the union of France and Spain under the same
king, they offered nothing at all for the cession of Spain, which was
the most important point of the war.

"For these reasons, Mons. Buys hoped Her Majesty would alter her
measures, and demand specific articles, upon which the allies might
debate whether they would consent to a negotiation or no."

The Queen, who looked upon all these difficulties, raised about the
method of treating, as endeavours to wrest the negotiation out of her
hands, commanded the lords of the committee to let Mons. Buys know,
"That the experience she formerly had of proceeding by particular
preliminaries towards a general treaty, gave her no encouragement to
repeat the same method any more: That such a preliminary treaty must be
negotiated either by some particular allies, or by all. The first, Her
Majesty could never suffer, since she would neither take upon her to
settle the interests of others, nor submit that others should settle
those of her own kingdoms. As to the second, it was liable to Mons.
Buys's objection, because the ministers of France would have as fair an
opportunity of sowing division among the allies, when they were all
assembled upon a preliminary treaty, as when the conferences were open
for a negotiation of peace: That this method could therefore have no
other effect than to delay the treaty, without any advantage: That Her
Majesty was heartily disposed, both then and during the negotiation, to
insist on every thing necessary for securing the barrier and commerce of
the States; and therefore hoped the conferences might be opened, without
farther difficulties.

"That Her Majesty did not only consent, but desire to have a plan
settled for carrying on the war, as soon as the negotiation of peace
should begin; but expected to have the burthen more equally laid, and
more agreeable to treaties; and would join with the States in pressing
the allies to perform their parts, as she had endeavoured to animate
them by her example."

Mons. Buys seemed to know little of his masters' mind, and pretended he
had no power to conclude upon any thing.[1] Her Majesty's minister
proposed to him an alliance between the two nations, to subsist after a
peace. To this he hearkened very readily, and offered to take the matter
_ad referendum_, having authority to do no more. His intention was, that
he might appear to negotiate, in order to gain time to pick out, if
possible, the whole secret of the transactions between Britain and
France; to disclose nothing himself, nor bind his masters to any
conditions; to seek delays till the Parliament met, and then observe
what turn it took, and what would be the issue of those frequent cabals
between himself and some other foreign ministers, in conjunction with
the chief leaders of the discontented faction.

[Footnote 1: Buys's mission seemed to have been to act on behalf of the
States General for the purpose of preventing England obtaining any
commercial advantage which the States did not share, and for causing
delays. He certainly had no powers to treat definitely, and Swift's
remark is emphasized by the statement in the Bolingbroke Correspondence
(vol. ii. p. 25) about him, he could "only speak as Monsieur Buys."
[T.S.]]

The Dutch hoped, that the clamours raised against the proceedings of the
Queen's ministers towards a peace, would make the Parliament disapprove
what had been done; whereby the States would be at the head of the
negotiation, which the Queen did not think fit to have any more in their
hands, where it had miscarried twice already; although Prince Eugene
himself owned, "that France was then disposed to conclude a peace upon
such conditions, as it was not worth the life of a grenadier to refuse
them." As to insisting upon specific preliminaries, Her Majesty thought
her own method much better, for each ally, in the course of the
negotiation, to advance and manage his own pretensions, wherein she
would support and assist them, rather than for two ministers of one ally
to treat solely with the enemy, and report what they pleased to the
rest, as was practised by the Dutch at Gertruydenberg.

One part of Mons. Buys's instructions was to desire the Queen not to be
so far amused by a treaty of peace, as to neglect her preparation for
war against the next campaign. Her Majesty, who was firmly resolved
against submitting any longer to that unequal burthen of expense she had
hitherto lain under, commanded Mr. Secretary St. John to debate the
matter with that minister, who said he had no power to treat; only
insisted, that his masters had fully done their part, and that nothing
but exhortations could be used to prevail on the other allies to act
with greater vigour.

On the other side, the Queen refused to concert any plan for the
prosecution of the war, till the States would join with her in agreeing
to open the conferences of peace; which therefore, by Mons. Buys's
application to them, was accordingly done, by a resolution taken in
Holland upon the twenty first of November, one thousand seven hundred
and eleven, NS.

About this time the Count de Gallas[7] was forbid the court, by order
from the Queen, who sent him word, that she looked upon him no longer as
a public minister.

[Footnote 7: The Austrian ambassador [T.S.]]

This gentleman thought fit to act a very dishonourable part here in
England, altogether inconsistent with the character he bore of envoy
from the late and present emperors, two princes under the strictest ties
of gratitude to the Queen, especially the latter, who had then the title
of King of Spain. Count Gallas, about the end of August, one thousand
seven hundred and eleven, with the utmost privacy, dispatched an
Italian, one of his clerks, to Frankfort, where the Earl of Peterborough
was then expected. This man was instructed to pass for a Spaniard, and
insinuate himself into the Earl's service, which he accordingly did, and
gave constant information to the last emperor's secretary at Frankfort
of all he could gather up in his lordship's family, as well as copies of
several letters he had transcribed. It was likewise discovered that
Gallas had, in his dispatches to the present emperor, then in Spain,
represented the Queen and her ministers as not to be confided in, that
when Her Majesty had dismissed the Earl of Sunderland, she promised to
proceed no farther in the change of her servants, yet soon after turned
them all out, and thereby ruined the public credit, as well as abandoned
Spain, that the present ministers wanted the abilities and good
dispositions of the former, were persons of ill designs, and enemies to
the common cause, and he (Gallas) could not trust them. In his letters
to Count Zinzendorf[8] he said, "That Mr. Secretary St John complained
of the house of Austria's backwardness, only to make the King of Spain
odious to England, and the people here desirous of a peace, although it
were ever so bad one," to prevent which, Count Gallas drew up a memorial
which he intended to give the Queen, and transmitted a draught of it to
Zinzendorf for his advice and approbation. This memorial, among other
great promises to encourage the continuance of the war, proposed the
detaching a good body of troops from Hungary to serve in Italy or Spain,
as the Queen should think fit.

[Footnote 8: The Austrian envoy at The Hague, characterized by Mr Walter
Sichel as "a martyr to etiquette, and devoured by zeal for the Holy
Roman Empire" ("Bolingbroke and his Times," p 392)  [T.S.]]