[Footnote 34: Mr. St. John and Mr. Bromley. [N.]]

[Footnote 35: This was called the March Club, but did not long subsist.
It seems probable that it included those _Tories_ whose principles went
the length of Jacobitism. [S.]]

Upon an occasion offered about this time, some persons, out of distrust
to the treasurer, endeavoured to obtain a point, which could not have
been carried without putting all into confusion. A Bill was brought into
the House of Commons, appointing commissioners to examine into the value
of all lands, and other interests granted by the crown since the
thirteenth day of February, one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight,
and upon what considerations such grants had been made. The united
country interest in the House was extremely set upon passing this Bill.
They had conceived an opinion from former precedents, that the court
would certainly oppose all steps towards a resumption of grants; and
those who were apprehensive that the treasurer inclined the same way,
proposed the Bill should be tacked to another, for raising a fund by
duties upon soap and paper, which hath been always imputed, whether
justly or no, as a favourite expedient of those called the Tory party.
At the same time it was very well known, that the House of Lords had
made a fixed and unanimous resolution against giving their concurrence
to the passing such united bills: so that the consequences of this
project must have been to bring the ministry under difficulties, to stop
the necessary supplies, and endanger the good correspondence between
both Houses; notwithstanding all which the majority carried it for a
tack; and the committee was instructed accordingly to make the two Bills
into one, whereby the worst that could happen would have followed, if
the treasurer had not convinced the warm leaders in this affair, by
undeniable reasons, that the means they were using would certainly
disappoint the end; that neither himself, nor any other of the Queen's
servants, were at all against this enquiry; and he promised his utmost
credit to help forward the bill in the House of Lords. He prevailed at
last to have it sent up single; but their lordships gave it another kind
of reception. Those who were of the side opposite to the court,
withstood it to a man, as in a party case: among the rest, some very
personally concerned, and others by friends and relations, which they
supposed a sufficient excuse to be absent, or dissent. Even those, whose
grants were antecedent to this intended inspection, began to be alarmed
as men, whose neighbours' houses are on fire. A shew of zeal for the
late king's honour, occasioned many reflections upon the date of this
enquiry, which was to commence with his reign: and the Earl of
Nottingham, who had now flung away the mask which he had lately pulled
off, like one who had no other view but that of vengeance against the
Queen and her friends, acted consistently enough with his design, by
voting as a lord against the Bill, after he had directed his son in the
House of Commons to vote for the tack.

Thus miscarried this popular Bill for appointing commissioners to
examine into royal grants; but whether those chiefly concerned did
rightly consult their own interest, hath been made a question, which
perhaps time will resolve. It was agreed that the Queen, by her own
authority, might have issued out a commission for such an enquiry, and
every body believed, that the intention of the Parliament was only to
tax the grants with about three years' purchase, and at the same time
establish the proprietors in possession of the remainder for ever; so
that, upon the whole, the grantees would have been great gainers by such
an Act, since the titles of those lands, as they stood then, were hardly
of half value with others either for sale or settlement. Besides, the
examples of the Irish forfeitures might have taught these precarious
owners, that when the House of Commons hath once engaged in a pursuit,
which they think is right, although it be stopped or suspended for a
while, they will be sure to renew it upon every opportunity that offers,
and seldom fail of success: for instance, if the resumption should
happen to be made part of a supply, which can be easily done without the
objection of a tack, the grantees might possibly then have much harder
conditions given them; and I do not see how they could prevent it.
Whether the resuming of royal grants be consistent with good policy or
justice, would be too long a disquisition: besides, the profusion of
kings is not like to be a grievance for the future, because there have
been laws since made to provide against that evil, or, indeed, rather
because the crown has nothing left to give away. But the objection made
against the date of the intended enquiry was invidious and trifling; for
King James II. made very few grants: he was a better manager, and
squandering was none of his faults; whereas the late king, who came over
here a perfect stranger to our laws, and to our people, regardless of
posterity, wherein he was not likely to survive, thought he could no way
better strengthen a new title, than by purchasing friends at the expense
of every thing which was in his power to part with.

The reasonableness of uniting to a money bill one of a different nature,
which is usually called _tacking_ hath been likewise much debated, and
will admit of argument enough. In ancient times, when a Parliament was
held, the Commons first proposed their grievances to be redressed, and
then gave their aids; so that it was a perfect bargain between the king
and the subject. This fully answered the ends of tacking. Aids were then
demanded upon occasions which would hardly pass at present; such, for
instance, as those for making the king's son a knight, marrying his
eldest daughter, and some others of the like sort. Most of the money
went into the king's coffers for his private use; neither was he
accountable for any part of it. Hence arose the form of the king's
thanking his subjects for their benevolence, when any subsidies, tenths,
or fifteenths were given him: but the supplies now granted are of
another nature, and cannot be properly called a particular benefit to
the crown, because they are all appropriated to their several uses: so
that when the House of Commons tack to a money bill what is foreign and
hard to be digested, if it be not passed, they put themselves and their
country in as great difficulties as the prince. On the other side, there
have been several regulations made, through the course of time, in
parliamentary proceedings; among which it is grown a rule, that a Bill
once rejected shall not be brought up again the same session; whereby
the Commons seem to have lost the advantage of purchasing a redress of
their grievances, by granting supplies, which, upon some emergencies,
hath put them upon this expedient of tacking: so that there is more to
be said on each side of the case, than is convenient for me to trouble
the reader or myself in deducing.

Among the matters of importance during this session, we may justly
number the proceedings of the House of Commons with relation to the
press, since Her Majesty's message to the House, of January the
seventeenth, concludes with a paragraph, representing the great licences
taken in publishing false and scandalous libels, such as are a reproach
to any government; and recommending to them to find a remedy equal to
the mischief. The meaning of these words in the message, seems to be
confined to these weekly and daily papers and pamphlets, reflecting upon
the persons and the management of the ministry. But the House of
Commons, in their address, which answers this message, makes an addition
of the blasphemies against God and religion; and it is certain, that
nothing would be more for the honour of the legislature, than some
effectual law for putting a stop to this universal mischief: but as the
person,[36] who advised the Queen in that part of her message, had only
then in his thoughts the redressing of the political and factious
libels, I think he ought to have taken care, by his great credit in the
House, to have proposed some ways by which that evil might be removed;
the law for taxing single papers having produced a quite contrary
effect, as was then foreseen by many persons, and hath since been found
true by experience, For the adverse party, full of rage and leisure
since their fall, and unanimous in defence of their cause, employ a set
of writers by subscription, who are well versed in all the topics of
defamation, and have a style and genius levelled to the generality of
readers; while those who would draw their pens on the side of their
prince and country, are discouraged by this tax, which exceeds the
intrinsic value both of the materials and the work; a thing, if I be not
mistaken, without example.

[Footnote 36: Mr. Secretary St. John, now Lord Viscount Bolingbroke.
[ORIGINAL NOTE.]]

It must be acknowledged, that the bad practices of printers have been
such, as to deserve the severest animadversions of the public; and it is
to be wished, the party quarrels of the pen were always managed with
decency and truth: but in the mean time, to open the mouths of our
enemies and shut our own, is a turn of politics that wants a little to
be explained. Perhaps the ministry now in possession, because they are
in possession, may despise such trifles as this; and it is not to be
denied, that acting as they do upon a national interest, they may seem
to stand in less need of such supports, or may safely fling them down as
no longer necessary. But if the leaders of the other party had proceeded
by this maxim, their power would have been none at all, or of very short
duration: and had not some active pens fallen in to improve the good
dispositions of the people, upon the late change, and continued since to
overthrow the falsehood, plentifully, and sometimes not unplausibly,
scattered by the adversaries, I am very much in doubt, whether those at
the helm would now have reason to be pleased with their success. A
particular person may, with more safety, despise the opinion of the
vulgar, because it does a wise man no real harm or good, but the
administration a great deal; and whatever side has the sole management
of the pen, will soon find hands enough to write down their enemies as
low as they please. If the people had no other idea of those whom Her
Majesty trusts in her greatest affairs, than what is conveyed by the
passions of such as would compass sea and land for their destruction,
what could they expect, but to be torn in pieces by the rage of the
multitude? How necessary therefore was it, that the world should, from
time to time, be undeceived by true representations of persons and
facts, which have kept the kingdom steady to its interest, against all
the attacks of a cunning and virulent faction.

However, the mischiefs of the press were too exorbitant to be cured, by
such a remedy as a tax upon the smaller papers; and a Bill for a much
more effectual regulation of it was brought into the House of Commons,
but so late in the session, that there was no time to pass it: for there
hath hitherto always appeared, an unwillingness to cramp overmuch the
liberty of the press, whether from the inconveniencies apprehended from
doing too much, or too little; or whether the benefit proposed by each
party to themselves, from the service of their writers, towards
recovering or preserving of power, be thought to outweigh the
disadvantages. However it came about, this affair was put off from one
week to another, and the Bill not brought into the House till the eighth
of June. It was committed three days, and then heard of no more. In this
Bill there was a clause inserted, (whether industriously with design to
overthrow it) that the author's name, and place of abode, should be set
to every printed book, pamphlet, or paper; which I believe no man, who
hath the least regard to learning, would give his consent to: for,
besides the objection to this clause from the practice of pious men,
who, in publishing excellent writings for the service of religion, have
chosen, out of an humble Christian spirit, to conceal their names; it is
certain, that all persons of true genius or knowledge have an invincible
modesty and suspicion of themselves, upon their first sending their
thoughts into the world; and that those who are dull or superficial,
void of all-taste and judgment, have dispositions directly contrary: so
that if this clause had made part of a law, there would have been an
end, in all likelihood, of any valuable production for the future,
either in wit or learning: and that insufferable race of stupid people,
who are now every day loading the press, would then reign alone, in time
destroy our very first principles of reason, and introduce barbarity
amongst us, which is already kept out with so much difficulty by so few
hands.

Having given an account of the several steps made towards a peace, from
the first overtures begun by France, to the commencement of the second
session, I shall in the Fourth Book relate the particulars of this great
negotiation, from the period last mentioned to the present time; and
because there happened some passages in both Houses, occasioned by the
treaty, I shall take notice of them under that head. There only remains
to be mentioned one affair of another nature, which the Lords and
Commons took into their cognizance, after a very different manner,
wherewith I shall close this part of my subject.

The sect of Quakers amongst us, whose system of religion, first founded
upon enthusiasm, hath been many years growing into a craft, held it an
unlawful action to take an oath to a magistrate. This doctrine was
taught them by the author of their sect, from a literal application of
the text, "Swear not at all;" but being a body of people, wholly turned
to trade and commerce of all kinds, they found themselves on many
occasions deprived of the benefit of the law, as well as of voting at
elections, by a foolish scruple, which their obstinacy would not suffer
them to get over. To prevent this inconvenience, these people had credit
enough in the late reign to have an Act passed, that their solemn
affirmation and declaration should be accepted, instead of an oath in
the usual form. The great concern in those times, was to lay all
religion upon a level; in order to which, this maxim was advanced, "That
no man ought to be denied the liberty of serving his country upon
account of a different belief in speculative opinions," under which term
some people were apt to include every doctrine of Christianity: however,
this Act, in favour of the Quakers, was only temporary, in order to keep
them in constant dependence, and expired of course after a certain term,
if it were not continued. Those people had, therefore, very early in the
session, offered a petition to the House of Commons for a continuance of
the Act, which was not suffered to be brought up; upon this they applied
themselves to the Lords, who passed a Bill accordingly, and sent it down
to the Commons, where it was not so much as allowed a first reading.

And indeed it is not easy to conceive upon what motives the legislature
of so great a kingdom could descend so low, as to be ministerial and
subservient to the caprices of the most absurd heresy that ever appeared
in the world; and this in a point, where those deluding or deluded
people stand singular from all the rest of mankind who live under civil
government: but the designs of an aspiring party, at that time were not
otherwise to be compassed, than by undertaking any thing that would
humble and mortify the Church; and I am fully convinced, that if a sect
of sceptic philosophers (who profess to doubt of every thing) had been
then among us, and mingled their tenets with some corruptions of
Christianity, they might have obtained the same privilege; and that a
law would have been enacted, whereby the solemn doubt of the people
called sceptics, should have been accepted instead of an oath in the
usual form; so absurd are all maxims formed upon the inconsistent
principles of faction, when once they are brought to be examined by the
standard of truth and reason.


*****       *****       *****       *****       *****




THE HISTORY OF THE FOUR LAST

YEARS OF THE QUEEN.

BOOK IV.


We left the plenipotentiaries of the allies, and those of the enemy,
preparing to assemble at Utrecht on the first of January, N.S., in order
to form a congress for negotiating a general peace; wherein although the
Dutch had made a mighty merit of their compliance with the Queen, yet
they set all their instruments at work to inflame both Houses against
Her Majesty's measures. Mons. Bothmar, the Hanover envoy, took care to
print and disperse his Memorial, of which I have formerly spoken:
Hoffman, the Emperor's resident, was soliciting for a yacht and convoys
to bring over Prince Eugene at this juncture, fortified, as it was given
out, with great proposals from the Imperial court: the Earl of
Nottingham became a convert, for reasons already mentioned: money was
distributed where occasion required; and the Dukes of Somerset and
Marlborough, together with the Earl of Godolphin, had put themselves at
the head of the junto, and their adherents, in order to attack the
court.

Some days after the vote passed the House of Lords for admitting into
the address the Earl of Nottingham's clause, against any peace without
Spain; Mons. Buys, the Dutch envoy, who had been deep in all the
consultations with the discontented party for carrying that point, was
desired to meet with the lord privy seal, the Earl of Dartmouth, and Mr.
Secretary St. John, in order to sign a treaty between the Queen and the
States, to subsist after a peace. There the envoy took occasion to
expostulate upon the advantages stipulated for Britain with France; said
"It was his opinion, that those ministers ought, in respect of the
friendship between both nations, to acquaint him what these advantages
were; and that he looked upon his country to be entitled, by treaty, to
share them equally with us: That there was now another reason why we
should be more disposed to comply with him upon this head; for since the
late resolution of the House of Lords, he took it for granted, it would
be a dangerous step in us to give Spain to a prince of the house of
Bourbon; and therefore, that we should do well to induce the States, by
such a concession, to help us out of this difficulty."

Mr. St. John made answer, "That there was not a man in the Queen's
council capable of so base a thought: That if Buys had any thing to
complain of, which was injurious to Holland, or justly tending to hurt
the good correspondence between us and the States, he was confident Her
Majesty would at all times be ready to give it up; but that the
ministers scorned to screen themselves at the expense of their country:
That the resolution Buys mentioned, was chiefly owing to foreign
ministers intermeddling in our affairs, and would perhaps have an effect
the projectors did not foresee: That, if the peace became impracticable,
the House of Commons would certainly put the war upon another foot, and
reduce the public expense within such a compass as our treaties required
in the strictest sense, and as our present condition would admit,
leaving the partisans for war to supply the rest."

Although the secretary believed this answer would put an end to such
infamous proposals, it fell out otherwise; for shortly after, Mons. Buys
applied himself to the treasurer, promising to undertake, "That his
masters should give up the article of Spain, provided they might share
with us in the Assiento for negroes." To which the treasurer's answer
was short, "That he would rather lose his head than consent to such an
offer."

It is manifest, by this proceeding, that whatever schemes were forming
here at home, in this juncture, by the enemies to the peace, the Dutch
only designed to fall in with it as far as it would answer their own
account; and, by a strain of the lower politics, wherein they must be
allowed to excel every country in Christendom, lay upon the watch for a
good bargain, by taking advantage of the distress they themselves had
brought upon their nearest neighbour and ally.

But the Queen highly resented this indignity from a republic, upon whom
she had conferred so many obligations. She could not endure that the
Dutch should employ their instruments to act in confederacy with a cabal
of factious people, who were prepared to sacrifice the safety of their
prince and country to the recovery of that power they had so long
possessed and abused. Her Majesty knew very well, that whatever were the
mistaken or affected opinion of some people at home, upon the article of
Spain, it was a point the States had long given up, who had very openly
told our ministry, "That the war in that country was only our concern,
and what their republic had nothing to do with." It is true, the
party-leaders were equally convinced, that the recovery of Spain was
impracticable; but many things may be excused in a professed adversary,
fallen under disgrace, which are highly criminal in an ally, upon whom
we are that very instant conferring new favours. Her Majesty therefore
thought it high time to exert herself, and at length put a stop to
foreign influence upon British counsels; so that, after the Earl of
Nottingham's clause against any peace, without Spain, was carried in the
House of Lords, directions were immediately sent to the Earl of
Strafford at The Hague, to inform the Dutch, "That it was obtained by a
trick, and would consequently turn to the disappointment and confusion
of the contrivers and the actors." He was likewise instructed to be very
dry and reserved to the pensionary and Dutch ministers; to let them
know, "The Queen thought herself ill treated; and that they would soon
hear what effects those measures would have upon a mild and good temper,
wrought up to resentment by repeated provocations: That the States might
have the war continued, if they pleased; but that the Queen would not be
forced to carry it on after their manner, nor would suffer them to make
her peace, or to settle the interests of her kingdoms."

To others in Holland, who appeared to be more moderate, the Earl was
directed to say, "That the States were upon a wrong scent: That their
minister here mistook every thing that we had promised: That we would
perform all they could reasonably ask from us, in relation to their
barrier and their trade; and that Mons. Buys dealt very unfairly, if he
had not told them as much. But that Britain proceeded, in some respects,
upon a new scheme of politics; would no longer struggle for
impossibilities, nor be amused by words: That our people came more and
more to their senses; and that the single dispute now was, whether the
Dutch would join with a faction, against the Queen, or with the nation,
for her?"

The court likewise resolved to discourage Prince Eugene from his journey
to England, which he was about this time undertaking, and of which I
have spoken before. He was told, "That the Queen wanted no exhortations
to carry on the war; but the project of it should be agreed abroad, upon
which Her Majesty's resolutions might soon be signified: but until she
saw what the Emperor and allies were ready to do, she would neither
promise nor engage for any thing." At the same time Mr. St. John told
Hoffman, the Emperor's resident here, "That if the Prince had a mind to
divert himself in London, the ministers would do their part to entertain
him, and be sure to trouble him with no manner of business."

This coldness retarded the Prince's journey for some days; but did not
prevent it, although he had a second message by the Queen's order, with
this farther addition, "That his name had lately been made use of, on
many occasions, to create a ferment, and stir up sedition; and that Her
Majesty judged it would be neither safe for him, nor convenient for her,
that he should come over at this time." But all would not do: it was
enough that the Queen did not absolutely forbid him, and the
party-confederates, both foreign and domestic, thought his presence
would be highly necessary for their service.

Towards the end of December, the lord privy seal[1] set out for Holland.
He was ordered to stop at The Hague, and, in conjunction with the Earl
of Stafford, to declare to the States, in Her Majesty's name, "Her
resolutions to conclude no peace, wherein the allies in general, and
each confederate in particular, might not find their ample security, and
their reasonable satisfaction: That she was ready to insist upon their
barrier, and advantages in their trade, in the manner the States
themselves should desire; and to concert with them such a plan of
treaty, as both powers might be under mutual engagements never to recede
from: That nothing could be of greater importance, than for the
ministers of Great Britain and Holland to enter the congress under the
strictest ties of confidence, and entirely to concur throughout the
course of these negotiations: To which purpose, it was Her Majesty's
pleasure, that their lordships should adjust with the Dutch ministers,
the best manner and method for opening and carrying on the conferences,
and declare themselves instructed to communicate freely their thoughts
and measures to the plenipotentiaries of the States, who, they hoped,
had received the same instructions."

[Footnote 1: Dr. Robinson had already had diplomatic experience as
political agent at the Court of Stockholm, when Marlborough had found
him of great service. [T.S.]]

Lastly, the two lords were to signify to the pensionary, and the other
ministers, "That Her Majesty's preparations for the next campaign were
carried on with all the dispatch and vigour, which the present
circumstances would allow; and to insist, that the same might be done by
the States; and that both powers should join in pressing the Emperor,
and other allies, to make greater efforts than they had hitherto done;
without which the war must languish, and the terms of peace become every
day more disadvantageous."

The two British plenipotentiaries went to Utrecht with very large
instructions, and, after the usual manner, were to make much higher
demands from France (at least in behalf of the allies) than they could
have any hope to obtain. The sum of what they had in charge, besides
matter of form, was, to concert with the ministers of the several powers
engaged against France, "That all differences arising among them should
be accommodated between themselves, without suffering the French to
interfere: That whatever were proposed to France by a minister of the
alliance, should be backed by the whole confederacy: That a time might
be fixed for the conclusion, as there had been for the commencement, of
the treaty." Spain was to be demanded out of the hands of the Bourbon
family, as the most effectual means for preventing the union of that
kingdom with France; and whatever conditions the allies could agree upon
for hindering that union, their lordships were peremptorily to insist
on.

As to the interests of each ally in particular, the plenipotentiaries of
Britain were to demand "Strasbourg, the fort of Kehl, with its
dependencies, and the town of Brisach, with its territory, for the
Emperor: That France should possess Alsatia, according to the Treaty of
Westphalia, with the right of the prefecture only over the ten imperial
cities in that country: That the fortifications of the said ten cities
be put into the condition they were in at the time of the said treaty,
except Landau, which was to be demanded for the Emperor and empire, with
liberty of demolishing the fortifications: That the French King should
at a certain time, and at his own expense, demolish the fortresses of
Huningen, New Brisach, and Fort Lewis, never to be rebuilt.

"That the town and fortress of Rhinfels should be demanded for the
landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, until that matter be otherwise settled.

"That the clause relating to religion, in the fourth article of the
Treaty of Ryswyck, and contrary to that of Westphalia, should be
annulled, and the state of religion in Germany restored to the tenor of
the Treaty of Westphalia.

"That France should acknowledge the King of Prussia, and give him no
disturbance in Neufchatel and Vallengin.

"That the principality of Orange, and other estates belonging to the
late King William, should be restored, as law should direct.

"That the Duke of Hanover should be acknowledged elector.

"That the King of Portugal should enjoy all the advantages stipulated
between him and the allies.

"That the States should have for their barrier Furnes, Fort Knokke,
Menin, Ypres, Lille, Tournay, CondГ©, Valenciennes, Maubeuge, Douay,
Bethune, Aire,[2] St. Venant, and Bouchain, with their cannon, &c. That
the French King should restore all the places belonging to Spain, now or
during this war in his possession, in the Netherlands: That such part of
them as should be thought fit, might be allowed likewise for a barrier
to the States: That France should grant the tariff of one thousand six
hundred and sixty-four to the States, and exemption of fifty pence _per_
tun upon Dutch goods trading to that kingdom. But that these articles in
favour of the States should not be concluded, till the Barrier Treaty
were explained to the Queen's satisfaction.

[Footnote: 2 "Bethune Avie" in original: a manifest misprint. "Aire" is
the name of a place near Bethune, which has since been connected with it
by a canal. [W.S.J.]]

"That the Duke of Savoy should be put in possession of all taken from
him in this war, and enjoy the places yielded to him by the Emperor, and
other allies: That France should likewise yield to him Exilles,
Fenestrelle, Chaumont, the valley of Pragelas, and the land lying
between Piedmont and Mount Genu.

"That the article about demolishing of Dunkirk should be explained."

As to Britain, the plenipotentiaries were to insist, "That Nieuport,
Dendermonde, Ghent, and all places which appear to be a barrier rather
against England than France, should either not be given to the Dutch, or
at least in such a manner, as not to hinder the Queen's subjects free
passage to and from the Low Countries.

"That the seventh article of the Barrier Treaty, which empowers the
States, in case of an attack, to put troops at discretion in all the
places of the Low Countries, should be so explained as to be understood
only of an attack from France.

"That Britain should trade to the Low Countries with the same privileges
as the States themselves.

"That the Most Christian King should acknowledge the succession of
Hanover, and immediately oblige the Pretender to leave France; and that
the said King should promise, for himself and his heirs, never to
acknowledge any person for King or Queen of England, otherwise than
according to the settlements now in force.

"That a treaty of commerce should be commenced, as soon as possible,
between France and Britain; and in the mean time, the necessary points
relating to it be settled.

"That the Isle of St. Christopher's should be surrendered to the Queen,
Hudson's Bay restored, Placentia and the whole island of Newfoundland
yielded to Britain by the Most Christian King; who was likewise to quit
all claim to Nova Scotia and Annapolis Royal.

"That Gibraltar and Minorca should be annexed to the British crown.

"That the Assiento should be granted to Britain for thirty years, with
the same advantage as to France; with an extent of ground on the river
of Plata, for keeping and refreshing the negroes.

"That Spain should grant to the subjects of Britain as large privileges
as to any other nation whatsoever; as likewise an exemption of duties,
amounting to an advantage of at least fifteen _per cent_.

"That satisfaction should be demanded for what should appear to be
justly due to Her Majesty, from the Emperor and the States.

"Lastly, That the plenipotentiaries should consult with those of the
Protestant allies, the most effectual methods for restoring the
Protestants of France to their religious and civil liberties, and for
the immediate release of those who are now in the galleys."

What part of these demands were to be insisted on, and what were to be
given up, will appear by the sequel of this negotiation. But there was
no difficulty of moment enough to retard the peace, except a method for
preventing the union of France and Spain under one prince, and the
settling the barrier for Holland; which last, as claimed by the States,
could, in prudence and safety, be no more allowed by us than by France.

The States General having appointed Mons. Buys to be one of their
plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, that minister left England a few days
after the lord privy seal. In his last conference with the lords of the
council, he absolutely declared, "That his masters had done their
utmost, both by sea and land: That it was unreasonable to expect more:
That they had exceeded their proportion, even beyond Britain; and that
as to the Emperor, and other allies, he knew no expedient left for
making them act with more vigour, than to pursue them with pathetical
exhortations."

This minister was sent over hither, instructed and empowered by halves.
The ferment raised by the united endeavours of our party leaders, among
whom he was a constant fellow-labourer to the utmost of his skill, had
wholly confounded him; and thinking to take the advantage of negotiating
well for Holland at the expense of Britain, he acted but ill for his own
country, and worse for the common cause. However, the Queen's ministers
and he parted with the greatest civility; and Her Majesty's present was
double the value of what is usual to the character he bore.[3]

[Footnote 3: Compare this passage with one in Bolingbroke's
"Correspondence" (vol. ii., pp. 108-109): "He [Buys] came over
instructed and empowered by halves. The ferment which had been created
by the joint efforts of the faction here, and of that in Holland,
confounded him; and thinking to take this advantage of negotiating well
for Holland at the expense of Britain, he has negotiated ill for both
and ill for the common cause. We parted in terms of the greatest
civility, and Her Majesty's present to him was a thousand pounds,
which is double the value of what is ever given here to an
envoy-extraordinary." [T.S.]]

As the Queen was determined to alter her measures in making war, so she
thought nothing would so much convince the States of the necessity of a
peace, as to have them frequently put in mind of this resolution, which
her ambassador Strafford, then at The Hague, was accordingly directed to
do: and if they should object, of what ill consequence it would be for
the enemy to know Her Majesty designed to lessen her expenses, he might
answer, "That the ministers here were sorry for it; but the Dutch could
only blame themselves, for forcing into such a necessity a princess, to
whose friendship they owed the preservation and grandeur of their
republic, and choosing to lean on a broken faction, rather than place
their confidence in the Queen."

It was Her Majesty's earnest desire, that there should be a perfect
agreement at this treaty between the ministers of all the allies, than
which nothing could be more effectual to make France comply with their
just demands: above all, she directed her plenipotentiaries to enter
into the strictest confidence with those of Holland; and that, after the
States had consented to explain the Barrier Treaty to her reasonable
satisfaction, both powers should form between them a plan of general
peace, from which they would not recede, and such as might secure the
quiet of Europe, as well as the particular interests of each
confederate.

The Dutch were accordingly pressed, before the congress opened, to come
to some temperament upon that famous treaty; because the ministers here
expected it would be soon laid before the House of Commons, by which the
resentment of the nation would probably appear against those who had
been actors and advisers in it: but Mons. Buys, who usually spoke for
his colleagues, was full of opposition, began to expostulate upon the
advantages Britain had stipulated with France; and to insist, that his
masters ought to share equally in them all, but especially the Assiento
contract: so that no progress was made in fixing a previous good
correspondence between Britain and the States, which Her Majesty had so
earnestly recommended.

Certain regulations having been agreed upon, for avoiding of ceremony
and other inconveniencies, the conferences began at Utrecht, upon the
twenty-ninth of January, N.S. one thousand seven hundred and
eleven-twelve, at ten in the morning. The ministers of the allies going
into the town-house at one door, and those of France, at the same
instant, at another, they all took their seats without distinction; and
the Bishop of Bristol, lord privy seal, first plenipotentiary of
Britain, opened the assembly with a short speech, directed to the
ministers of France, in words to the following effect:

"MESSIEURS,

"We are here to meet to-day, in the name of God, to enter upon a treaty
of general peace, between the high allies and the King your master. We
bring sincere intentions, and express orders from our superiors, to
concur, on their part, with whatever may advance and perfect so salutary
and Christian a work. On the other side, we hope you have the same
disposition; and that your orders will be so full, as to be able,
without loss of time, to answer the expectation of the high allies, by
explaining yourselves clearly and roundly upon the points we shall have
to settle in these conferences; and that you will perform this in so
plain and specific a manner, as every prince and state in the
confederacy may find a just and reasonable satisfaction."

The French began, by promising to explain the overtures which Mons.
Mesnager had delivered to the Queen some months before, and to give in a
specific project of what their master would yield, provided the allies
would each give a specific answer, by making their several demands;
which method, after many difficulties, and affected delays in the Dutch,
was at length agreed to.

But the States, who had, with the utmost discontent, seen Her Majesty at
the head of this negotiation, where they intended to have placed
themselves, began to discover their ill-humour upon every occasion; they
raised endless difficulties about settling the Barrier Treaty, as the
Queen desired; and in one of the first general conferences, they would
not suffer the British secretary to take the minutes, but nominated some
Dutch professor for that office, which the Queen refused, and resented
their behaviour as an useless cavil, intended only to shew their want of
respect. The British plenipotentiaries had great reason to suspect, that
the Dutch were, at this time, privately endeavouring to engage in some
separate measures with France, by the intervention of one Molo, a busy
factious agent at Amsterdam, who had been often employed in such
intrigues: that this was the cause which made them so litigious and slow
in all their steps, in hopes to break the congress, and find better
terms for their trade and barrier, from the French, than we ever could
think fit to allow them. The Dutch ministers did also apply themselves
with industry, to cultivate the imperial plenipotentiary's favour, in
order to secure all advantages of commerce with Spain and the West
Indies, in case those dominions could be procured for the Emperor: for
this reason they avoided settling any general plan of peace, in concert
with the plenipotentiaries of Britain, which Her Majesty desired; and
Mons. Buys plainly told their lordships, that it was a point, which
neither he nor his colleagues could consent to, before the States were
admitted equal sharers with Britain in the trade of Spain.

The court having notice of this untractable temper in the Dutch, gave
direct orders to the plenipotentiaries of Britain, for pressing those of
the States to adjust the gross in equalities of the Barrier Treaty,
since nothing was more usual or agreeable to reason than for princes,
who find themselves aggrieved by prejudicial contracts, to expect they
should be modified and explained. And since it now appeared by votes in
the House of Commons, that the sense of the nation agreed with what Her
Majesty desired, if the Dutch ministers would not be brought to any
moderate terms upon this demand, their lordships were directed to
improve and amend the particular concessions made to Britain by France,
and form them into a treaty, for the Queen was determined never to allow
the States any share in the Assiento, Gibraltar, and Port Mahon, nor
could think it reasonable, that they should be upon an equal foot with
her in the trade of Spain, to the conquest whereof they had contributed
so little.

Nor was the conduct of the imperial minister at this time less
perplexing than that of the States, both those powers appearing fully
bent, either upon breaking off the negotiation, or, upon forcing from
the Queen those advantages she expected by it for her own kingdoms. Her
Majesty therefore thought fit, about the beginning of March, to send Mr.
Thomas Harley, a near relation of the treasurer's, to Utrecht, fully
informed of her mind, which he was directed to communicate to the
plenipotentiaries of Britain.

Mr. Harley stopped in his way to Utrecht at The Hague, and there told
the pensionary, "That nothing had happened lately in England but what
was long ago foretold him, as well as the other ministers of the allies.
That the proceedings of the House of Commons, particularly about the
Barrier Treaty, must chiefly be ascribed to the manner in which the
Queen and the nation had been treated by Mons. Bothmar, Count Gallas,
Buys, and other foreign ministers. That if the States would yet enter
into a strict union with the Queen, give her satisfaction in the said
treaty, and join in concert with her plenipotentiaries at Utrecht, a
safe and advantageous peace might be obtained for the whole alliance;
otherwise Her Majesty must save her own country, and join with such of
her allies as would join with her.

"As to the war, that the conduct of the allies, and their opposition to
the Queen, by private intrigues carried on among her own subjects, as
well as by open remonstrances, had made the House of Commons take that
matter out of the hands of the ministers.

"Lastly, that in case the present treaty were broken off by the Dutch
refusing to comply, Her Majesty thought it reasonable to insist, that
some cautionary places be put into her hands as pledges, that no other
negotiation should be entered into by the States General, without her
participation."

Mr. Harley's instructions to the Queen's plenipotentiaries were, "That
they should press those of France, to open themselves as far as
possible, in concerting such a plan of a general peace, as might give
reasonable satisfaction to all the confederates, and such as her
Parliament would approve: That the people of England believed France
would consent to such a plan; wherein if they found themselves deceived,
they would be as eager for prosecuting the war as ever."

Their lordships were to declare openly to the Dutch, "That no extremity
should make Her Majesty depart from insisting to have the Assiento for
her own subjects, and to keep Gibraltar and Port Mahon; but if the
States would agree with her upon these three heads, she would be content
to reduce the trade of Spain and the West Indies, to the condition it
was in under the late Catholic King Charles II."

The French were farther to be pressed, "That the Pretender should be
immediately sent out of that kingdom; and that the most effectual method
should be taken, for preventing the union of France and Spain under one
prince."

About this time Her Majesty's ministers, and those of the allies at
Utrecht, delivered in the several _postulata_ or demands of their
masters to the French plenipotentiaries, which having been since made
public, and all of them, except those of Britain, very much varying in
the course of the negotiation, the reader would be but ill entertained
with a transcript of them here.

Upon intelligence of the last dauphin's death, the father, son, and
grandson, all of that title,[4] dying within the compass of a year,
Mons. Gaultier went to France with letters to the Marquis de Torcy, to
propose Her Majesty's expedient for preventing the union of that kingdom
with Spain; which, as it was the most important article to be settled,
in order to secure peace for Europe, so it was a point that required to
be speedily adjusted under the present circumstances and situation of
the Bourbon family, there being only left a child of two years old to
stand between the Duke of Anjou and his succeeding to the crown of
France.

[Footnote 4: These princes were the grandfather, the father, and the
brother, of Louis XV., who was then Duke of Anjou, and supposed to be at
the point of death. [N.]]

Her Majesty likewise pressed France by the same dispatches, to send full
instructions to their plenipotentiaries, empowering them to offer to the
allies such a plan of peace, as might give reasonable satisfaction to
all her allies.

The Queen's proposal for preventing an union between France and Spain
was, "that Philip should formally renounce the kingdom of France for
himself and his posterity; and that this renunciation should be
confirmed by the Cortes or states of Spain, who, without question, would
heartily concur against such an union, by which their country must
become a province to France." In like manner, the French princes of the
blood were severally to renounce all title to Spain.

The French raised many difficulties upon several particulars of this
expedient; but the Queen persisted to refuse any plan of peace before
this weighty point were settled in the manner she proposed, which was
afterwards submitted to, as in proper place we shall observe. In the
mean time, the negotiation at Utrecht proceeded with a very slow pace;
the Dutch interposing all obstructions they could contrive, refusing to
come to any reasonable temper upon the Barrier Treaty, or to offer a
plan, in concert with the Queen, for a general peace. Nothing less would
satisfy them, than the partaking in those advantages we had stipulated
for ourselves, and which did no ways interfere with their trade or
security. They still expected some turn in England; their friends on
this side had ventured to assure them, that the Queen could not live
many months, which, indeed, from the bad state of Her Majesty's health,
was reasonable to expect. The British plenipotentiaries daily discovered
new endeavours of Holland to treat privately with France; and, lastly,
those among the States, who desired the war should continue, strove to
gain time, until the campaign should open; and by resolving to enter
into action with the first opportunity, render all things desperate, and
break up the congress.

This scheme did exactly fall in with Prince Eugene's dispositions, whom
the States had chosen for their general, and of whose conduct, in this
conjuncture, the Queen had too much reason to be jealous; but Her
Majesty, who was resolved to do her utmost towards putting a good and
speedy end to this war, having placed the Duke of Ormonde at the head of
her forces in Flanders, whither he was now arrived, directed him to keep
all the troops in British pay, whether subjects or foreigners,
immediately under his own command; and to be cautious, for a while, in
engaging in any action of importance, unless upon a very apparent
advantage. At the same time the Queen determined to make one thorough
trial of the disposition of the States, by allowing them the utmost
concessions that could any way suit either with her safety or honour.
She therefore directed her ministers at Utrecht, to tell the Dutch,
"That, in order to shew how desirous she was to live in perfect amity
with that republic, she would resign up the fifteen _per cent._,
advantage upon English goods sent to the Spanish dominions, which the
French King had offered her by a power from his grandson,[5] and be
content to reduce that trade to the state in which it was under the late
King of Spain. She would accept of any tolerable softening of these
words in the seventh article of the Barrier Treaty, where it is said,
'The States shall have power, in case of an apparent attack, to put as
many troops as they please into all the places of the Netherlands,'
without specifying an attack from the side of France, as ought to have
been done; otherwise, the Queen might justly think they were preparing
themselves for a rupture with Britain. Her Majesty likewise consented,
that the States should keep Nieuport, Dendermonde, and the Castle of
Ghent, as an addition to their barrier, although she were sensible how
injurious those concessions would be to the trade of her subjects; and
would waive the demand of Ostend being delivered into her hands, which
she might with justice insist on. In return for all this, that the Queen
only desired the ministers of the States would enter into a close
correspondence with hers, and settle between them some plan of a general
peace, which might give reasonable content to all her allies, and which
Her Majesty would endeavour to bring France to consent to. She desired
the trade of her kingdoms to the Netherlands, and to the towns of their
barrier, might be upon as good a foot as it was before the war began:
That the Dutch would not insist to have share in the Assiento, to which
they had not the least pretensions, and that they would no longer
encourage the intrigues of a faction against her government. Her Majesty
assured them in plain terms, that her own future measures, and the
conduct of her plenipotentiaries, should be wholly governed by their
behaviour in these points; and that her offers were only conditional, in
case of their compliance with what she desired."