[Footnote 5: Philip V., King of Spain. [W. S, J.]]

But all these proofs of the Queen's kindness and sincerity could not
avail. The Dutch ministers pleaded, they had no power to concert the
plan of general peace with those of Britain: however, they assured the
latter, that the Assiento was the only difficulty which stuck with their
masters. Whereupon, at their desire, a contract for that traffic was
twice read to them; after which they appeared very well satisfied, and
said they would go to The Hague for further instructions. Thither they
went, and, after a week's absence, returned the same answer, "That they
had no power to settle a scheme of peace; but could only discourse of
it, when the difficulties of the Barrier Treaty were over." And Mons.
Buys took a journey to Amsterdam, on purpose to stir up that city, where
he was pensionary, against yielding the Assiento to Britain; but was
unsuccessful in his negotiation; the point being yielded up there, and
in most other towns in Holland.

It will have an odd sound in history, and appear hardly credible, that
in several petty republics of single towns, which make up the States
General, it should be formally debated, whether the Queen of Great
Britain, who preserved the commonwealth at the charge of so many
millions, should be suffered to enjoy, after a peace, the liberty
granted her by Spain of selling African slaves in the Spanish dominions
of America! But there was a prevailing faction at The Hague, violently
bent against any peace, where the Queen must act that part which they
had intended for themselves. These politicians, who held constant
correspondence with their old dejected friends in England, were daily
fed with the vain hopes of the Queen's death, or the party's
restoration. They likewise endeavoured to spin out the time, till Prince
Eugene's activity had pushed on some great event, which might govern or
perplex the conditions of peace. Therefore the Dutch plenipotentiaries,
who proceeded by the instructions of those mistaken patriots, acted in
every point with a spirit of litigiousness, than which nothing could
give greater advantage to the enemy; a strict union between the allies,
but especially Britain and Holland, being doubtless the only means for
procuring safe and honourable terms from France.

But neither was this the worst; for the Queen received undoubted
intelligence from Utrecht, that the Dutch were again attempting a
separate correspondence with France. And by letters, intercepted here,
from Vienna, it was found, that the imperial court, whose ministers were
in the utmost confidence with those of Holland, expressed the most
furious rage against Her Majesty, for the steps she had taken to advance
a peace.

This unjustifiable treatment, the Queen could not digest from an ally,
upon whom she had conferred so many signal obligations, whom she had
used with so much indulgence and sincerity during the whole course of
the negotiation, and had so often invited to go along with her in every
motion towards a peace. She apprehended likewise, that the negotiation
might be taken out of her hands, if France could be secure of easier
conditions in Holland, or might think that Britain wanted power to
influence the whole confederacy. She resolved therefore, on this
occasion, to exert herself with vigour, steadiness, and dispatch; and,
in the beginning of May, sent her commands to the Earl of Strafford to
repair immediately to England, in order to consult with her ministers
what was proper to be done.

The proposal above mentioned, for preventing the union of France and
Spain, met with many difficulties; Mons. de Torcy raising objections
against several parts of it. But the Queen refused to proceed any
farther with France, until this weighty point were fully settled to her
satisfaction; after which, she promised to grant a suspension of arms,
provided the town and citadel of Dunkirk might be delivered as a pledge
into her hands: and proposed that Ypres might be surrendered to the
Dutch, if they would consent to come into the suspension. France
absolutely refused the latter; and the States General having acted in
perpetual contradiction to Her Majesty, she pressed that matter no
farther; because she doubted they would not agree to a cessation of
arms. However, she resolved to put a speedy end, or at least
intermission, to her own share in the war: and the French having
declared themselves ready to agree to her expedients, for preventing the
union of the two crowns, and consented to the delivery of Dunkirk;
positive orders were sent to the Duke of Ormonde to avoid engaging in
any battle or siege, until he had further instructions; but he was
directed to conceal his orders, and to find the best excuses he could,
if any pressing occasion should offer.

The reasons for this unusual proceeding, which made a mighty noise, were
of sufficient weight to justify it; for, pursuant to the agreement made
between us and France, a courier was then dispatched from Fontainebleau
to Madrid, with the offer of an alternative to Philip, either of
resigning Spain immediately to the Duke of Savoy, upon the hopes of
succeeding to France, and some present advantage, which, not having been
accepted, is needless to dilate on; or of adhering to Spain, and
renouncing all future claim to France for himself and his posterity.

Until it could be known which part Philip would accept, the Queen would
not take possession of Dunkirk, nor suffer an armistice to be declared.
But, however, since the Most Christian King had agreed that his grandson
should be forced, in case of a refusal, to make his choice immediately,
Her Majesty could not endure to think, that perhaps some thousands of
lives of her own subjects and allies might be sacrificed, without
necessity, if an occasion should be found or sought for fighting a
battle; which, she very well knew, Prince Eugene would eagerly attempt,
and put all into confusion, to gratify his own ambition, the enmity of
his new masters the Dutch, and the rage of his court.

But the Duke of Ormonde, who, with every other quality that can
accomplish or adorn a great man, inherits all the valour and loyalty of
his ancestors, found it very difficult to acquit himself of his
commission;[6] for Prince Eugene, and all the field deputies of the
States, had begun already to talk either of attacking the enemy, or
besieging Quesnoy, the confederate army being now all joined by the
troops they expected; and accordingly, about three days after the Duke
had received those orders from court, it was proposed to his grace, at a
meeting with the prince and deputies, that the French army should be
attacked, their camp having been viewed, and a great opportunity
offering to do it with success; for the Marechal de Villars, who had
notice sent him by Mons. de Torcy of what was passing, and had signified
the same by a trumpet to the Duke, shewed less vigilance than was usual
to that general, taking no precautions to secure his camp, or observe
the motions of the allies, probably on purpose to provoke them, the Duke
said, "That the Earl of Strafford's sudden departure for England, made
him believe there was something of consequence now transacting, which
would be known in four or five days; and therefore desired they would
defer this or any other undertaking, until he could receive fresh
letters from England." Whereupon the prince and deputies immediately
told the Duke, "That they looked for such an answer as he had given
them: That they had suspected our measures for some time, and their
suspicions were confirmed by the express his grace had so lately
received, as well as by the negligence of Mons. Villars". They appeared
extremely dissatisfied; and the deputies told the Duke, that they would
immediately send an account of his answer to their masters, which they
accordingly did; and soon after, by order from the States, wrote him an
expostulating letter, in a style less respectful than became them;
desiring him, among other things, to explain himself, whether he had
positive orders not to fight the French; and afterwards told him, "They
were sure he had such orders, otherwise he could not answer what he had
done." But the Duke still waived the question, saying, "he would be glad
to have letters from England, before he entered upon action, and that he
expected them daily."

[Footnote 6: For an estimate of Ormonde's character see Swift's "Enquiry
into the Behaviour of the Queen's Last Ministry," vol. v. of present
edition (pp. 428-430). Ormonde had done very little to deserve
succeeding such a soldier as Marlborough. Indeed, his name was
associated with the disgraceful expedition to Cadiz, in which he was in
command of the English troops. [T.S.]]

Upon this incident, the ministers and generals of the allies immediately
took the alarm, venting their fury in violent expressions against the
Queen, and those she employed in her councils: said, they were betrayed
by Britain, and assumed the countenance of those who think they have
received an injury, and are disposed to return it.

The Duke of Ormonde's army consisted of eighteen thousand of Her
Majesty's subjects, and about thirty thousand hired from other princes,
either wholly by the Queen, or jointly by her and the States. The Duke
immediately informed the court of the dispositions he found among the
foreign generals upon this occasion; and that, upon an exigency, he
could only depend on the British troops adhering to him; those of
Hanover having already determined to desert to the Dutch, and tempted
the Danes to do the like, and that he had reason to suppose the same of
the rest.

Upon the news arriving at Utrecht, that the Duke of Ormonde had refused
to engage in any action against the enemy, the Dutch ministers there
went immediately to make their complaints to the lord privy seal;
aggravating the strangeness of this proceeding, together with the
consequence of it, in the loss of a most favourable opportunity for
ruining the French army, and the discontent it must needs create in the
whole body of the confederates. Adding, how hard it was that they should
be kept in the dark, and have no communication of what was done in a
point which so nearly concerned them. They concluded, that the Duke must
needs have acted by orders; and desired his lordship to write both to
court, and to his grace, what they had now said.

The bishop answered, "That he knew nothing of this fact, but what they
had told him; and therefore was not prepared with a reply to their
representations: only, in general, he could venture to say, that this
case appeared very like the conduct of their field-deputies upon former
occasions: That if such orders were given, they were certainly built
upon very justifiable foundations, and would soon be so explained as to
convince the States, and all the world, that the common interest would
be better provided for another way, than by a battle or siege: That the
want of communication which they complained of, could not make the
States so uneasy as their declining to receive it had made the Queen,
who had used her utmost endeavours to persuade them to concur with her
in concerting every step towards a general peace, and settling such a
plan as both sides might approve and adhere to; but, to this day, the
States had not thought fit to accept those offers, or to authorize any
of their ministers to treat with Her Majesty's plenipotentiaries upon
that affair, although they had been pressed to it ever since the
negotiation began: That his lordship, to shew that he did not speak his
private sense alone, took this opportunity to execute the orders he had
received the evening before, by declaring to them, that all Her
Majesty's offers for adjusting the differences between her and the
States were founded upon this express condition, That they should come
immediately into the Queen's measures, and act openly and sincerely with
her; and that, from their conduct, so directly contrary, she now looked
upon herself to be under no obligation to them."

Mons. Buys and his colleagues were stunned with this declaration, made
to them at a time when they pretended to think the right of complaining
to be on their side, and had come to the bishop upon that errand. But
after their surprise was abated, and Buys's long reasonings at an end,
they began to think how matters might be retrieved; and were of opinion,
that the States should immediately dispatch a minister to England,
unless his lordship were empowered to treat with them; which, without
new commands, he said he was not. They afterwards desired to know of the
bishop, what the meaning was of the last words in his declaration, "That
Her Majesty looked upon herself to be under no obligation to them." He
told them his opinion, "That as the Queen was bound by treaty to concert
with the States the conditions of a peace, so, upon their declining the
concert so frequently offered, she was acquitted of that obligation: but
that he verily believed, whatever measures Her Majesty should take, she
would always have a friendly regard to the interest of their
commonwealth; and that as their unkindness had been very unexpected and
disagreeable to Her Majesty, so their compliance would be equally
pleasing."

I have been the more circumstantial in relating this affair, because it
furnished abundance of discourse, and gave rise to many wild conjectures
and misrepresentations, as well here as in Holland, especially that part
which concerned the Duke of Ormonde;[7] for the angry faction in the
House of Commons, upon the first intelligence, that the Duke had
declined to act offensively against France, in concurrence with the
allies, moved for an address, wherein the Queen should be informed of
"the deep concern of her Commons for the dangerous consequences to the
common cause, which must arise from this proceeding of her general; and
to beseech her, that speedy instructions might be given to the Duke to
prosecute the war with vigour, in order to quiet the minds of her
people, &c." But a great majority was against this motion, and a
resolution drawn up and presented to the Queen by the whole House of a
quite contrary tenor, "That they had an entire confidence in Her
Majesty's most gracious promise, to communicate to her Parliament the
terms of the peace, before the same should be concluded; and that they
would support Her Majesty, in obtaining an honourable and safe peace,
against all such persons, either at home or abroad, who have
endeavoured, or shall endeavour, to obstruct the same."

[Footnote 7: This determination on the part of England to cease
hostilities at this juncture has been most severely criticized. The
matter formed, afterwards, the chief article in the impeachment of
Bolingbroke, and an important article in the impeachment of Oxford.
According to the "Report of the Committee of Secrecy," and the Earl of
Oxford's answer to this charge in his impeachment, it seems as if St.
John had instructed Ormonde so to act, without in any way consulting the
council, and apparently purposely concealing the fact from his
colleagues. Mr. Walter Sichel, however, in a note on p. 380 of his
"Bolingbroke and his Times," clearly traces the order to the desire of
the Queen herself, and in his text lays on the Queen the blame that was
visited on the heads of her ministers. See also note on p. 156. [T.S.]]

The courier sent with the alternative to Spain was now returned, with an
account that Philip had chosen to renounce France for himself and his
posterity, whereof the Queen having received notice, Her Majesty, upon
the sixth of June, in a long speech to both Houses of Parliament, laid
before them the terms of a general peace, stipulated between her and
France. This speech, being the plan whereby both France and the allies
have been obliged to proceed in the subsequent course of the treaty, I
shall desire the reader's leave to insert it at length, although I
believe it hath been already in most hands.[7]

[Footnote 7: This speech was printed by John Baskett, 1712. [W.S.J.]]

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"The making peace and war is the undoubted prerogative of the crown; yet
such is the just confidence I place in you, that at the opening of this
session, I acquainted you that a negotiation for a general peace was
begun; and afterwards, by messages, I promised to communicate to you the
terms of peace, before the same should be concluded.

"In pursuance of that promise, I now come to let you know upon what
terms a general peace may be made.

"I need not mention the difficulties which arise from the very nature of
this affair; and it is but too apparent, that these difficulties have
been increased by other obstructions, artfully contrived to hinder this
great and good work.

"Nothing, however, has moved me from steadily pursuing, in the first
place, the true interests of my own kingdoms, and I have not omitted any
thing, which might procure to all our allies what is due to them by
treaties, and what is necessary for their security.

"The assuring of the Protestant succession, as by law established in the
House of Hanover, to these kingdoms; being what I have nearest at heart,
particular care is taken not only to have that acknowledged in the
strongest terms, but to have an additional security, by the removal of
that person out of the dominions of France, who has pretended to disturb
this settlement.

"The apprehension that Spain and the West Indies might be united to
France, was the chief inducement to begin this war; and the effectual
preventing of such an union, was the principle I laid down at the
commencement of this treaty. Former examples, and the late negotiations,
sufficiently shew how difficult it is to find means to accomplish this
work. I would not content myself with such as are speculative, or depend
on treaties only: I insisted on what was solid, and to have at hand the
power of executing what should be agreed.

"I can therefore now tell you, that France at last is brought to offer,
that the Duke of Anjou shall, for himself and his descendants, renounce
for ever all claim to the crown of France; and that this important
article may be exposed to no hazard, the performance is to accompany the
promise.

"At the same time the succession to the crown of France is to be
declared, after the death of the present dauphin and his sons, to be in
the Duke of Berry and his sons, in the Duke of Orleans and his sons, and
so on to the rest of the House of Bourbon.

"As to Spain and the Indies, the succession to those dominions, after
the Duke of Anjou and his children, is to descend to such prince as
shall be agreed upon at the treaty, for ever excluding the rest of the
House of Bourbon.

"For confirming the renunciations and settlements before mentioned, it
is further offered, that they should be ratified in the most strong and
solemn manner, both in France and Spain; and that those kingdoms, as
well as all the other powers engaged in the present war, shall be
guarantees to the same.

"The nature of this proposal is such, that it executes itself: the
interest of Spain is to support it; and in France, the persons to whom
that succession is to belong, will be ready and powerful enough to
vindicate their own right.

"France and Spain are now more effectually divided than ever. And thus,
by the blessing of God, will a real balance of power be fixed in Europe,
and remain liable to as few accidents as human affairs can be exempted
from.

"A treaty of commerce between these kingdoms and France has been entered
upon; but the excessive duties laid on some goods, and the prohibitions
of others, make it impossible to finish this work so soon as were to be
desired. Care is however taken to establish a method of settling this
matter; and in the mean time provision is made, that the same privileges
and advantages, as shall be granted to any other nation by France, shall
be granted in like manner to us.

"The division of the Island of St. Christopher, between us and the
French, having been the cause of great inconveniency and damage to my
subjects, I have demanded to have an absolute cession made to me of that
whole island, and France agrees to this demand.

"Our interest is so deeply concerned in the trade of North America, that
I have used my utmost endeavours to adjust that article in the most
beneficial manner. France consents to restore to us the whole Bay and
Straits of Hudson, to deliver up the Island of Newfoundland, with
Placentia; and to make an absolute cession of Annapolis, with the rest
of Nova Scotia, or Acadie.

"The safety of our home trade will be better provided for, by the
demolition of Dunkirk.

"Our Mediterranean trade, and the British interest and influence in
those parts, will be secured by the possession of Gibraltar and Port
Mahon, with the whole island of Minorca, which are offered to remain in
my hands.

"The trade to Spain and to the West Indies may in general be settled, as
it was in the time of the late King of Spain, Charles the Second; and a
particular provision be made, that all advantages, rights, or
privileges, which have been granted, or which may hereafter be granted,
by Spain to any other nation, shall be in like manner granted to the
subjects of Great Britain.

"But the part which we have borne in the prosecution of this war,
entitling us to some distinction in the terms of peace, I have insisted,
and obtained, that the Assiento, or contract for furnishing the Spanish
West Indies with negroes, shall be made with us for the term of thirty
years, in the same manner as it has been enjoyed by the French for ten
years past.

"I have not taken upon me to determine the interests of our
confederates; these must be adjusted in the congress at Utrecht, where
my best endeavours shall be employed, as they have hitherto constantly
been, to procure to every one of them all just and reasonable
satisfaction. In the mean time, I think it proper to acquaint you, that
France offers to make the Rhine the barrier of the empire; to yield
Brissac, the fort of Kehl, and Landau, and to raze all the fortresses,
both on the other side of the Rhine, and in that river.

"As to the Protestant interest in Germany, there will be on the part of
France no objection to the resettling thereof, on the foot of the treaty
of Westphalia.

"The Spanish Low Countries may go to his Imperial Majesty: the kingdoms
of Naples and Sardinia, the duchy of Milan, and the places belonging to
Spain on the coast of Tuscany, may likewise be yielded by the treaty of
peace to the Emperor.

"As to the kingdom of Sicily, though there remains no dispute concerning
the cession of it by the Duke of Anjou, yet the disposition thereof is
not yet determined.

"The interests of the States General, with respect to commerce, are
agreed to, as they have been demanded by their own ministers, with the
exception only of some very few species of merchandise; and the entire
barrier, as demanded by the States in one thousand seven hundred and
nine from France, except two or three places at most.

"As to these exceptions, several expedients are proposed; and I make no
doubt but this barrier may be so settled, as to render that republic
perfectly secure against any enterprise on the part of France; which is
the foundation of all my engagements upon this head with the States.

"The demands of Portugal depending on the disposition of Spain, and that
article having been long in dispute, it has not been yet possible to
make any considerable progress therein; but my plenipotentiaries will
now have an opportunity to assist that king in his pretensions.

"Those of the King of Prussia are such as, I hope, will admit of little
difficulty on the part of France; and my utmost endeavours shall not be
wanting to procure all I am able to so good an ally.

"The difference between the barrier demanded for the Duke of Savoy in
one thousand seven hundred and nine, and the offers now made by France,
is very inconsiderable: but that prince having so signally distinguished
himself in the service of the common cause, I am endeavouring to procure
for him still farther advantages.

"France has consented, that the Elector Palatine shall continue his
present rank among the electors, and remain in possession of the Upper
Palatinate.

"The electoral dignity is likewise acknowledged in the House of Hanover,
according to the article inserted at that prince's desire in my demands.

"And as to the rest of the allies, I make no doubt of being able to
secure their several interests.

       *       *       *       *       *

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"I have now communicated to you, not only the terms of peace, which may,
by the future treaty, be obtained for my own subjects; but likewise the
proposals of France, for satisfying our allies.

"The former are such as I have reason to expect, to make my people some
amends for that great and unequal burden which they have lain under,
through the whole course of this war; and I am willing to hope, that
none of our confederates, and especially those to whom so great
accessions of dominion and power are to accrue by this peace, will envy
Britain her share in the glory and advantage of it.

"The latter are not yet so perfectly adjusted, as a little more time
might have rendered them; but the season of the year making it necessary
to put an end to this session, I resolved no longer to defer
communicating these matters to you.

"I can make no doubt but you are all fully persuaded, that nothing will
be neglected on my part, in the progress of this negotiation, to bring
the peace to an happy and speedy issue; and I depend on your entire
confidence in me, and your cheerful concurrence with me."

The discontented party in the House of Commons, finding the torrent
against them not to be stemmed, suspended their opposition; by which
means an address was voted, _nemine contradicente_, to acknowledge Her
Majesty's condescension, to express their satisfaction in what she had
already done, and to desire she would please to proceed with the present
negotiations for obtaining a speedy peace.

During these transactions at home, the Duke of Ormonde[8] was in a very
uneasy situation at the army, employed in practising those arts which
perhaps are fitter for a subtle negotiator than a great commander.[9]
But as he had always proved his obedience, where courage or conduct
could be of use; so the duty he professed to his prince, made him submit
to continue in a state of inactivity at the head of his troops, however
contrary to his nature, if it were for Her Majesty's service. He had
sent early notice to the ministers, that he could not depend upon the
foreign forces in the Queen's pay, and he now found some attempts were
already begun to seduce them.

[Footnote 8: James Butler, Duke of Ormonde, succeeded his grandfather in
that title in July, 1688, was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 1703, and
again in 1710. He succeeded the Duke of Marlborough as captain general,
and had the first regiment of Guards. Bishop Burnet says, "he had the
same allowances that had been lately voted criminal in the Duke of
Marlborough." ("History," vol. ii., p. 602). [N.]]

[Footnote 9: Bolingbroke had written a letter to Ormonde (dated May
10th, 1712) in which he informed the commander-in-chief that it was the
"Queen's positive command to your Grace, that you avoid engaging in any
siege or hazarding a battle till you have farther orders from Her
Majesty." How to do this with dignity was not an easy matter. The
continuation of this letter from Bolingbroke suggested the spirit,
though it left to Ormonde the details of his procedure in so delicate a
situation: "I am, at the same time, directed to let your Grace know that
the Queen would have you disguise the receipt of this order; and her
Majesty thinks that you cannot want pretences for conducting yourself so
as to answer her ends, without owning that which might at present have
an ill effect if it was publicly known." (Bolingbroke, "Correspondence,"
ii. 320). This is what Swift means by being: "employed in practicing
those arts which perhaps are fitter for a subtle negotiator than a great
commander." [T.S.]]

While the courier was expected from Madrid, the Duke had orders to
inform the Maréchal de Villars of the true state of this affair; and
that his grace would have decisive orders in three or four days. In the
mean time, he desired the marechal would not oblige him to come to any
action, either to defend himself, or to join with Prince Eugene's army;
which he must necessarily do, if the prince were attacked.

When the courier was arrived with the account, that Philip had chosen to
accept of Spain, Her Majesty had proposed to France a suspension of arms
for two months (to be prolonged to three or four), between the armies
now in Flanders, upon the following conditions:

"That, during the suspension, endeavours should be used for concluding a
general peace; or, at least, the article for preventing the union of
France and Spain, should be punctually executed by Philip's renouncing
France, for himself and his posterity; and the princes of Bourbon, in
like manner, renouncing Spain: and that the town, citadel, and forts of
Dunkirk, should be immediately delivered into the Queen's hands." Her
Majesty at the same time endeavoured to get Cambray for the Dutch,
provided they would come into the suspension. But this was absolutely
rejected by France; which that court would never have ventured to do, if
those allies could have been prevailed on to have acted with sincerity
and openness in concert with Her Majesty, as her plenipotentiaries had
always desired. However, the Queen promised, that, if the States would
yield to a suspension of arms, they should have some valuable pledge put
into their possession.

But now fresh intelligence daily arrived, both from Utrecht and the
army, of attempts to make the troops in Her Majesty's pay desert her
service; and a design even of seizing the British forces, was whispered
about, and with reason suspected.

When the Queen's speech was published in Holland, the lord privy seal
told the Dutch ministers at Utrecht, "That what Her Majesty had laid
before her Parliament could not, according to the rules of treaty, be
looked on as the utmost of what France would yield in the course of a
negotiation; but only the utmost of what that crown would propose, in
order to form the plan of a peace: That these conditions would certainly
have been better, if the States had thought fit to have gone hand in
hand with Her Majesty, as she had so frequently exhorted them to do:
That nothing but the want of harmony among the allies had spirited the
French to stand out so long: That the Queen would do them all the good
offices in her power, if they thought fit to comply; and did not doubt
of getting them reasonable satisfaction, both in relation to their
barrier and their trade." But this reasoning made no impression: the
Dutch ministers said, the Queen's speech had deprived them of the fruits
of the war. They were in pain, lest Lille and Tournay might be two of
the towns to be excepted out of their barrier. The rest of the allies
grew angry, by the example of the Dutch. The populace in Holland began
to be inflamed: they publicly talked, that Britain had betrayed them.
Sermons were preached in several towns of their provinces, whether by
direction or connivance, filled with the highest instances of disrespect
to Her Britannic Majesty, whom they charged as a papist, and an enemy to
their country. The lord privy seal himself believed something
extraordinary was in agitation, and that his own person was in danger
from the fury of the people.

It is certain, that the States appeared but a few days before very much
disposed to comply with the measures the Queen had taken, and would have
consented to a general armistice, if Count Zinzendorf, one of the
plenipotentiaries for the Emperor, had not, by direct orders from his
court, employed himself in sowing jealousies between Britain and the
States; and at the same time made prodigious offers to the latter, as
well as to the ministers of Prussia, the Palatinate, and Hanover, for
continuing the war. That those three electors, who contributed nothing,
except bodies of men in return of pay and subsidies, should readily
accept the proposals of the Emperor, is easy to be accounted for. What
appears hardly credible is, that a grave republic, usually cautious
enough in making their bargains, should venture to reject the thoughts
of a peace upon the promises of the House of Austria, the little
validity whereof they had so long experienced; and especially when they
counted upon losing the support of Britain, their most powerful ally;
but the false hopes given them by their friends in England of some new
change in their favour, or an imagination of bringing France to better
terms by the appearance of resolution, added to the weakness or
corruption of some, who administered their affairs, were the true causes
which first created, and afterwards inflamed, this untractable temper
among them.

The Dutch ministers were wholly disconcerted and surprised, when the
lord privy seal told them, "That a suspension of arms in the Netherlands
would be necessary; and that the Duke of Ormonde intended very soon to
declare it after he had taken possession of Dunkirk." But his lordship
endeavoured to convince them, that this incident ought rather to be a
motive for hastening the States into a compliance with Her Majesty. He
likewise communicated to the ministers of the allies the offers made by
France, as delivered in the speech from the throne, which Her Majesty
thought to be satisfactory, and hoped their masters would concur with
her in bringing the peace to a speedy conclusion, wherein each, in
particular, might be assured of her best offices for advancing their
just pretensions.

In the mean time the Duke of Ormonde was directed to send a body of
troops to take possession of Dunkirk, as soon as he should have notice
from the Maréchal de Villars, that the commandant of the town had
received orders from his court to deliver it; but the Duke foresaw many
difficulties in the executing of this commission. He could trust such an
enterprise to no forces, except those of Her Majesty's own subjects. He
considered the temper of the States in this conjuncture, and was loth to
divide a small body of men, upon whose faithfulness alone he could
depend. He thought it not prudent to expose them to march through the
enemy's country, with whom there was yet neither peace nor truce; and he
had sufficient reasons to apprehend, that the Dutch would either not
permit such a detachment to pass through their towns (as themselves had
more than hinted to him) or would seize them as they passed: besides,
the Duke had very fairly signified to Maréchal de Villars, that he
expected to be deserted by all the foreign troops in Her Majesty's pay,
as soon as the armistice should be declared; at which the maréchal
appearing extremely disappointed, said, "The King his master reckoned,
that all the troops under his grace's command should yield to the
cessation; and wondered how it should come to pass, that those who might
be paid for lying still, would rather choose, after a ten years' war, to
enter into the service of new masters, under whom they must fight on for
nothing." In short, the opinion of Mons. Villars was, that this
difficulty cancelled the promise of surrendering Dunkirk; which
therefore he opposed as much as possible, in the letters he writ to his
court.

Upon the Duke of Ormonde's representing those difficulties, the Queen
altered her measures, and ordered forces to be sent from England to take
possession of Dunkirk. The Duke was likewise commanded to tell the
foreign generals in Her Majesty's service, how highly she would resent
their desertion; after which, their masters must give up all thoughts of
any arrears, either of pay or subsidy. The lord privy seal spoke the
same language at Utrecht, to the several ministers of the allies; as Mr.
Secretary St. John did to those who resided here; adding, "That the
proceeding of the foreign troops would be looked upon as a declaration
for or against Her Majesty: and that, in case they desert her service,
she would look on herself as justified, before God and man, to continue
her negotiation at Utrecht, or any other place, whether the allies
concur or not." And particularly the Dutch were assured, "That if their
masters seduced the forces hired by the Queen, they must take the whole
pay, arrears, and subsidies on themselves."[10]

[Footnote 10: Compare this language of Bishop Robinson with the letter
Bolingbroke had previously written to Thomas Harley (letter of May 17,
1712): "On the report which my Lord Strafford, who arrived here the day
before yesterday, has made by word of mouth, as well as upon the
contents of the latter dispatches from Utrecht, her Majesty is fully
determined to let all negotiations sleep in Holland; since they have
neither sense, nor gratitude, nor spirit enough to make a suitable
return to the offers lately sent by the Queen, and communicated by the
plenipotentiaries, her Majesty will look on herself as under no
obligation towards them, but proceed to make the peace either with or
without them."

When the States-General addressed a complaint to the Queen of the manner
in which England was deserting them, Bolingbroke had their letter
formally condemned by a resolution of the House of Commons. He was
determined to bring this peace about, and the Dutch might "kick and
flounce like wild beasts caught in a toil; yet the cords are too strong
for them to break." (Report from the Committee of Secrecy.) [T.S.]]

The Earl of Strafford, preparing about this time to return to Utrecht,
with instructions proper to the present situation of affairs, went first
to the army, and there informed the Duke of Ormonde of Her Majesty's
intentions. He also acquainted the States deputies with the Queen's
uneasiness, lest, by the measures they were taking, they should drive
her to extremities, which she desired so much to avoid. He farther
represented to them, in the plainest terms, the provocations Her Majesty
had received, and the grounds and reasons for her present conduct. He
likewise declared to the commanders in chief of the foreign troops, in
the Queen's pay, and in the joint pay of Britain and the States, with
how much surprise Her Majesty had heard, "That there was the least doubt
of their obeying the orders of the Duke of Ormonde; which if they
refused, Her Majesty would esteem it not only as an indignity and
affront, but as a declaration against her; and, in such a case, they
must look on themselves as no farther entitled either to any arrear, or
future pay or subsidies."

Six regiments, under the command of Mr. Hill,[11] were now preparing to
embark, in order to take possession of Dunkirk; and the Duke of Ormonde,
upon the first intelligence sent him, that the French were ready to
deliver the town, was to declare he could act no longer against France.
The Queen gave notice immediately of her proceedings to the States. She
let them plainly know, "That their perpetual caballing with her factious
subjects, against her authority, had forced her into such measures, as
otherwise she would not have engaged in. However, Her Majesty was
willing yet to forget all that had passed, and to unite with them in the
strictest ties of amity, which she hoped they would now do; since they
could not but be convinced, by the late dutiful addresses of both
Houses, how far their High Mightinesses had been deluded, and drawn in
as instruments to serve the turn, and gratify the passions, of a
disaffected party: That their opposition, and want of concert with Her
Majesty's ministers, which she had so often invited them to, had
encouraged France to except towns out of their barrier, which otherwise
might have been yielded: That, however, she had not precluded them, or
any other ally, from demanding more; and even her own terms were but
conditional, upon supposition of a general peace to ensue: That Her
Majesty resolved to act upon the plan laid down in her speech;" and she
repeated the promise of her best offices to promote the interest of the
States, if they would deal sincerely with her.

[Footnote 11: John Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham. It is not difficult to
guess at the reason for this appointment. Here was a chance for Jack
Hill to achieve some glory and wipe away the disgrace of the ill-starred
Quebec expedition. As there was also no danger attached to the
enterprise, all the more likely that he would succeed. Hill sailed with
Admiral Sir John Leake and took peaceable possession of the town and
forts. For this he was appointed Governor of Dunkirk, and while there he
sent Swift a gold snuff-box as a present, "the finest that ever you
saw," as Swift wrote to Stella: See also vol. v., p. 80, of this
edition. [T.S.]]

Some days before the Duke of Ormonde had notice, that orders were given
for the surrender of Dunkirk, Prince Eugene of Savoy sent for the
generals of the allies, and asked them severally, whether, in case the
armies separated, they would march with him, or stay with the Duke? All
of them, except two, who commanded but small bodies, agreed to join with
the prince; who thereupon, about three days after, sent the Duke word,
that he intended to march the following day (as it was supposed) to
besiege Landrecies. The Duke returned an answer, "That he was surprised
at the prince's message, there having been not the least previous
concert with him, nor any mention in the message, which way, or upon
what design, the march was intended: therefore, that the Duke could not
resolve to march with him; much less could the prince expect assistance
from the Queen's army, in any design undertaken after this manner." The
Duke told this beforehand, that he (the prince) might take his measures
accordingly, and not attribute to Her Majesty's general any misfortune
that might happen.

On the sixteenth of July, N.S. the several generals of the allies joined
Prince Eugene's army, and began their march, after taking leave of the
Duke and the Earl of Strafford, whose expostulations could not prevail
on them to stay; although the latter assured them, that the Queen had
made neither peace nor truce with France, and that her forces would now
be left exposed to the enemy.

The next day after this famous desertion, the Duke of Ormonde received a
letter from Mons. de Villars, with an account, that the town and citadel
of Dunkirk should be delivered to Mr. Hill. Whereupon a cessation of
arms was declared, by sound of trumpet, at the head of the British army;
which now consisted only of about eighteen thousand men, all of Her
Majesty's subjects, except the Holsteiners, and Count Wallis's
dragoons.[12] With this small body of men the general began his march;
and, pursuant to orders from court, retired towards the sea, in the
manner he thought most convenient for the Queen's service. When he came
as far as Flines, he was told by some of his officers, that the
commandants of Bouchain, Douay, Lille, and Tournay, had refused them
passage through those towns, or even liberty of entrance, and said it
was by order of their masters.[13] The Duke immediately recollected,
that when the deputies first heard of his resolution to withdraw his
troops, they told him, they hoped he did not intend to march through any
of their towns. This made him conclude, that the orders must be general,
and that his army would certainly meet with the same treatment which his
officers had done. He had likewise, before the armies separated,
received information of some designs that concerned the safety, or at
least the freedom of his own person, and (which he much more valued)
that of those few British troops entrusted to his care. No general was
ever more truly or deservedly beloved by his soldiers, who, to a man,
were prepared to sacrifice their lives in his service; and whose
resentments were raised to the utmost, by the ingratitude, as they
termed it, of their deserters.

[Footnote 12: Barner, who commanded the troops of Holstein, being two
battalions and eight squadrons, and Walef or Waless, who commanded the
dragoons of Liège, both followed Ormonde. [S.]]

[Footnote 13: At Bouchain, the British officers were told at the gates,
that the commandant had positive orders to let no Englishman into the
town; and at Douay, where the English had large stores and magazines,
the same thing happened with considerable aggravation. Indeed, it was
with difficulty and precaution that the commandant of the latter town
would permit the body of an English colonel to be interred there. The
same difficulties occurred at Tournay, Oudenarde, and Lille; and the
Duke of Ormonde having sent an officer express to England on the 17th,
he was stopped and interrupted at Haspre, misguided at Courtray, and
refused admission at Bruges. (See "The Conduct of his Grace the Duke of
Ormonde, in the Campagne of 1712," 1715, pp. 46-50.) [S.]]

Upon these provocations, he laid aside all thoughts of returning to
Dunkirk, and began to consider how he might perform, in so difficult a
conjuncture, something important to the Queen, and at the same time find
a secure retreat for his forces. He formed his plan without
communicating it to any person whatsoever; and the disposition of the
army being to march towards Warneton, in the way to Dunkirk, he gave
sudden orders to Lieutenant-General Cadogan to change his route,
according to the military phrase, and move towards Orchies, a town
leading directly to Ghent.

When Prince Eugene and the States deputies received news of the Duke's
motions, they were alarmed to the utmost degree, and sent Count Nassau,
of Woudenbourg, to the general's camp near Orchies, to excuse what had
been done, and to assure his grace, that those commandants, who had
refused passage to his officers, had acted wholly without orders. Count
Hompesch, one of the Dutch generals, came likewise to the Duke with the
same story; but all this made little impression on the general, who held
on his march, and on the twenty-third of July, N.S., entered Ghent,
where he was received with great submission by the inhabitants, and took
possession of the town, as he likewise did of Bruges, a few days after.

The Duke of Ormonde thought, that considering the present disposition of
the States towards Britain, it might be necessary for the Queen to have
some pledge from that republic in her hands, as well as from France, by
which means Her Majesty would be empowered to act the part that best
became her, of being mediator at least; and that while Ghent was in the
Queen's hands, no provisions could pass the Scheldt or the Lys without
her permission, by which he had it in his power to starve their army.
The possession of these towns might likewise teach the Dutch and
Imperialists, to preserve a degree of decency and civility to Her
Majesty, which both of them were upon some occasions too apt to forget:
and besides, there was already in the town of Ghent, a battalion of
British troops and a detachment of five hundred men in the citadel,
together with a great quantity of ammunition stores for the service of
the war, which would certainly have been seized or embezzled; so that no
service could be more seasonable or useful in the present juncture than
this, which the Queen highly approved, and left the Duke a discretionary
power to act as he thought fit on any future emergency.

I have a little interrupted the order of time, in relating the Duke of
Ormonde's proceedings, who, after having placed a garrison at Bruges,
and sent a supply of men and ammunition to Dunkirk, retired to Ghent,
where he continued some months, till he had leave to return to England.

Upon the arrival of Colonel Disney[14] at court, with an account that
Mr. Hill had taken possession of Dunkirk, an universal joy spread over
the kingdom, this event being looked on as the certain forerunner of a
peace: besides, the French faith was in so ill a reputation among us,
that many persons, otherwise sanguine enough, could never bring
themselves to believe, that the town would be delivered, till certain
intelligence came that it was actually in our hands. Neither were the
ministers themselves altogether at ease, or free from suspicion,
whatever countenance they made; for they knew very well, that the French
King had many plausible reasons to elude his promise, if he found cause
to repent it. One condition of surrendering Dunkirk, being a general
armistice of all the troops in the British pay, which Her Majesty was
not able to perform; and upon this failure, the Maréchal de Villars (as
we have before related) endeavoured to dissuade his court from accepting
the conditions: and in the very interval, while those difficulties were
adjusting, the Maréchal d'Uxelles, one of the French plenipotentiaries
at Utrecht (whose inclinations, as well as those of his colleague Mons.
Mesnager, led him to favour the States more than Britain) assured the
lord privy seal, that the Dutch were then pressing to enter into
separate measures with his master: and his lordship, in a visit to the
Abbé de Polignac, observing a person to withdraw as he entered the
abbé's chamber, was told by this minister, that the person he saw was
one Molo, of Amsterdam, mentioned before, a famous agent for the States
with France, who had been entertaining him (the abbé) upon the same
subject, but that he had refused to treat with Molo, without the privity
of England.

[Footnote 14: Colonel Disney or Desnée, called "Duke" Disney, was one of
the members of the Brothers Club, a boon companion of Bolingbroke, and,
as Swift says, "not an old man, but an old rake." From various sources
we gather that he was a high liver, and not very nice in his ways of
high living. In spite, however, of his undoubted profligacy, he must
have been a man of good nature and a kindly heart, since he received
affectionate record from Gay, Pope, and Swift. Mr. Walter Sichel quotes
from "an unfinished sketch of a larger poem," by Lady Mary Wortley
Montagu, in which Disney's worst characteristics are held up to
ridicule. ("Bolingbroke and his Times," pp. 288-290). Swift often refers
to him in his "Journal." [T.S.]]