But to waive further speculations upon so remote a scene, while we have
subjects enough to employ them on at home; it is to be hoped, the clergy
will not let slip any proper opportunity of improving the pious
dispositions of the Queen and kingdom, for the advantage of the Church;
when by the example of times past, they consider how rarely such
conjunctures are like to happen. What if some method were thought on
towards repairing of churches? for which there is like to be too frequent
occasions, those ancient Gothic structures, throughout this kingdom,
going every year to decay. That expedient of repairing or rebuilding them
by charitable collections, seems in my opinion not very suitable, either
to the dignity and usefulness of the work, or to the honour of our
country; since it might be so easily done, with very little charge to the
public, in a much more decent and honourable manner, while Parliaments
are so frequently called. But these and other regulations must be left to
a time of peace, which I shall humbly presume to wish may soon be our
share, however offensive it may be to any, either abroad or at home, who
are gainers by the war.


[Footnote 1: No. 42 in the reprint. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 2: Horace, "Odes," III. vi. 1-3.

  "Those ills your ancestors have done,
   Romans, are now become your own;
   And they will cost you dear,
   Unless you soon repair
   The falling temples which the gods provoke."

  EARL OF ROSCOMMON (1672). [T.S.]]

[Footnote 3: The minister and churchwardens of Greenwich applied to the
House of Commons on February 14th, 1710/1, for aid in the rebuilding of
their church. The House referred the application to a committee. On
February 28th the lower house of Convocation sent a deputation to the
Speaker expressing their satisfaction at what had been done. On his
reporting this to the House on the following day, they expressed their
readiness to receive information. The lower house of Convocation prepared
a scheme and presented it to the Speaker on March 9th; this was referred
to the committee on the 10th. Acting on a hint received from the court,
the bishops and clergy presented an Address to the Queen on March 26th,
and this was followed by a Message from Her Majesty, on the 29th, to the
House of Commons, recommending that Parliament should undertake "the
great and necessary work of building more churches." On April 9th the
House of Commons replied in an Address, promising to make provision, and
resolved, on May 1st, to grant a supply for building fifty new churches
in or about London and Westminster. On May 8th it fixed the amount at a
sum "not exceeding ВЈ350,000." In pursuance of this a Bill was introduced
on May 18th, which received the Royal Assent on June 12th (9 Ann. c. 17).
This Bill granted ВЈ350,000 (to be raised by a duty on coals) for building
fifty new churches in London and Westminster.

In this connection it is interesting to remember that Swift, two years
before, had recommended the building of more churches as part of his
suggestions for "the advancement of religion." See his "Project for
the Advancement of Religion" (vol. iii., p. 45 of present edition).
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 4: In their Address, on April 9th, 1711, the House of Commons
said: "Neither the long expensive war, in which we are engaged, nor the
pressure of heavy debts, under which we labour, shall hinder us from
granting to your Majesty whatever is necessary, to accomplish so
excellent a design, which, we hope, may be a means of drawing down
blessings from Heaven on all your Majesty's other undertakings, as it
adds to the number of those places, where the prayers of your devout and
faithful subjects will be daily offered up to God, for the prosperity of
your Majesty's government at home, and the success of your arms abroad."
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 5: "Natural and Political Observations ... upon the Bills of
Mortality." By John Graunt, 1662. The writer says in chap. x. that
Cripplegate parish was two hundred times as big as some of the parishes
in the city. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 6: An abbreviation of _modus decimandi_, a composition in lieu
of payment of tithes. [T.S.]]




NUMB. 44.[1]

FROM THURSDAY MAY 24, TO THURSDAY MAY 31, 1711.


  _Scilicet, ut possem curvo dignoscere rectum._[2]

Having been forced in my papers to use the cant-words of Whig and Tory,
which have so often varied their significations, for twenty years past; I
think it necessary to say something of the several changes those two
terms have undergone since that period; and then to tell the reader what
I have always understood by each of them, since I undertook this work. I
reckon that these sorts of conceited appellations, are usually invented
by the vulgar; who not troubling themselves to examine through the merits
of a cause, are consequently the most violent partisans of what they
espouse; and in their quarrels, usually proceed to their beloved argument
of _calling names_, till at length they light upon one which is sure to
stick; and in time, each party grows proud of that appellation, which
their adversaries at first intended for a reproach. Of this kind were the
Prasini and Veneti,[3] the Guelfs and Ghibellines,[4] Huguenots and
Papists, Roundheads and Cavaliers,[5] with many others, of ancient and
modern date. Among us of late there seems to have been a barrenness of
invention in this point, the words Whig and Tory,[6] though they are not
much above thirty years old, having been pressed to the service of many
successions of parties, with very different ideas fastened to them. This
distinction, I think, began towards the latter part of King Charles the
Second's reign, was dropped during that of his successor, and then
revived at the Revolution, since which it has perpetually flourished,
though applied to very different kinds of principles and persons. In that
Convention of Lords and Commons,[7] some of both Houses were for a
regency to the Prince of Orange, with a reservation of style and title to
the absent king, which should be made use of in all public acts. Others,
when they were brought to allow the throne vacant, thought the succession
should immediately go to the next heir, according to the fundamental laws
of the kingdom, as if the last king were actually dead. And though the
dissenting lords (in whose House the chief opposition was) did at last
yield both those points, took the oaths to the new king, and many of them
employments, yet they were looked upon with an evil eye by the warm
zealots of the other side; neither did the court ever heartily favour any
of them, though some were of the most eminent for abilities and virtue,
and served that prince, both in his councils and his army, with untainted
faith. It was apprehended, at the same time, and perhaps it might have
been true, that many of the clergy would have been better pleased with
that scheme of a regency, or at least an uninterrupted lineal succession,
for the sake of those whose consciences were truly scrupulous; and they
thought there were some circumstances, in the case of the deprived
bishops,[8] that looked a little hard, or at least deserved
commiseration.

These, and other the like reflections did, as I conceive, revive the
denominations of Whig and Tory.

Some time after the Revolution the distinction of high and low-church
came in, which was raised by the Dissenters, in order to break the Church
party, by dividing the members into high and low; and the opinions
raised, that the high joined with the Papists, inclined the low to fall
in with the Dissenters.

And here I shall take leave to produce some principles, which in the
several periods of the late reign, served to denote a man of one or the
other party. To be against a standing army in time of peace, was all
high-church, Tory and Tantivy.[9] To differ from a majority of b[isho]ps
was the same. To raise the prerogative above law for serving a turn, was
low-church and Whig. The opinion of the majority in the House of Commons,
especially of the country-party or landed interest, was high-flying[10]
and rank Tory. To exalt the king's supremacy beyond all precedent, was
low-church, Whiggish and moderate. To make the least doubt of the
pretended prince being supposititious, and a tiler's son, was, in their
phrase, "top and topgallant," and perfect Jacobitism. To resume the most
exorbitant grants, that were ever given to a set of profligate
favourites, and apply them to the public, was the very quintessence of
Toryism; notwithstanding those grants were known to be acquired, by
sacrificing the honour and the wealth of England.

In most of these principles, the two parties seem to have shifted
opinions, since their institution under King Charles the Second, and
indeed to have gone very different from what was expected from each, even
at the time of the Revolution. But as to that concerning the Pretender,
the Whigs have so far renounced it, that they are grown the great
advocates for his legitimacy: which gives me the opportunity of
vindicating a noble d[uke] who was accused of a blunder in the House,
when upon a certain lord's mentioning the pretended Prince, his g[race]
told the lords, he "must be plain with them, and call that person, not
the pretended prince, but the pretended impostor:" which was so far from
a blunder in that polite l[or]d, as his ill-willers give out, that it was
only a refined way of delivering the avowed sentiments of his whole
party.

But to return, this was the state of principles when the Qu[een] came to
the crown; some time after which, it pleased certain great persons, who
had been all their lives in the altitude of Tory-profession, to enter
into a treaty with the Whigs, from whom they could get better terms than
from their old friends, who began to be resty, and would not allow
monopolies of power and favour; nor consent to carry on the war entirely
at the expense of this nation, that they might have pensions from abroad;
while another people, more immediately concerned in the war, traded with
the enemy as in times of peace. Whereas, the other party, whose case
appeared then as desperate, was ready to yield to any conditions that
would bring them into play. And I cannot help affirming, that this nation
was made a sacrifice to the immeasurable appetite of power and wealth in
a very few, that shall be nameless, who in every step they made, acted
directly against what they had always professed. And if his Royal
Highness the Prince[11] had died some years sooner (who was a perpetual
check in their career) it is dreadful to think how far they might have
proceeded.

Since that time, the bulk of the Whigs appears rather to be linked to a
certain set of persons, than any certain set of principles: so that if I
were to define a member of that party, I would say, he was one "who
believed in the late m[inist]ry." And therefore, whatever I have affirmed
of Whigs in any of these papers, or objected against them, ought to be
understood, either of those who were partisans of the late men in power,
and privy to their designs; or such who joined with them, from a hatred
to our monarchy and Church, as unbelievers and Dissenters of all sizes;
or men in office, who had been guilty of much corruption, and dreaded a
change; which would not only put a stop to further abuses for the future,
but might, perhaps, introduce examinations of what was past. Or those who
had been too highly obliged, to quit their supporters with any common
decency. Or lastly, the money-traders, who could never hope to make their
markets so well of _premiums_ and exorbitant interest, and high
remittances, under any other administration.

Under these heads, may be reduced the whole body of those whom I have all
along understood for Whigs: for I do not include within this number, any
of those who have been misled by ignorance, or seduced by plausible
pretences, to think better of that sort of men than they deserve, and to
apprehend mighty danger from their disgrace: because, I believe, the
greatest part of such well-meaning people, are now thoroughly converted.

And indeed, it must be allowed, that those two fantastic names of Whig
and Tory, have at present very little relation to those opinions, which
were at first thought to distinguish them. Whoever formerly professed
himself to approve the Revolution, to be against the Pretender, to
justify the succession in the house of Hanover, to think the British
monarchy not absolute, but limited by laws, which the executive power
could not dispense with, and to allow an indulgence to scrupulous
consciences; such a man was content to be called a Whig. On the other
side, whoever asserted the Queen's hereditary right; that the persons of
princes were sacred; their lawful authority not to be resisted on any
pretence; nor even their usurpations, without the most extreme necessity:
that breaches in the succession were highly dangerous; that schism was a
great evil, both in itself and its consequences; that the ruin of the
Church, would probably be attended with that of the State; that no power
should be trusted with those who are not of the established religion;
such a man was usually called a Tory. Now, though the opinions of both
these are very consistent, and I really think are maintained at present
by a great majority of the kingdom; yet, according as men apprehend the
danger greater, either from the Pretender and his party, or from the
violence and cunning of other enemies to the constitution; so their
common discourses and reasonings, turn either to the first or second set
of these opinions I have mentioned, and are consequently styled either
Whigs or Tories. Which is, as if two brothers apprehended their house
would be set upon, but disagreed about the place from whence they thought
the robbers would come, and therefore would go on different sides to
defend it. They must needs weaken and expose themselves by such a
separation; and so did we, only our case was worse: for in order to keep
off a weak, remote enemy, from whom we could not suddenly apprehend any
danger, we took a nearer and a stronger one into the house. I make no
comparison at all between the two enemies: Popery and slavery are without
doubt the greatest and most dreadful of any; but I may venture to affirm,
that the fear of these, have not, at least since the Revolution, been so
close and pressing upon us, as that from another faction; excepting only
one short period, when the leaders of that very faction, invited the
abdicating king to return; of which I have formerly taken notice.

Having thus declared what sort of persons I have always meant, under the
denomination of Whigs, it will be easy to shew whom I understand by
Tories. Such whose principles in Church and State, are what I have above
related; whose actions are derived from thence, and who have no
attachment to any set of ministers, further than as these are friends
to the constitution in all its parts, but will do their utmost to save
their prince and country, whoever be at the helm.

By these descriptions of Whig and Tory, I am sensible those names are
given to several persons very undeservedly; and that many a man is called
by one or the other, who has not the least title to the blame or praise I
have bestowed on each of them throughout my papers.


[Footnote 1: No. 43 in the reprint. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 2: Horace, "Epistles," II. ii. 44.
"Fair truth from falsehood to discern."--P. FRANCIS.
 [T.S.]]

[Footnote 3: There were four factions, or parties, distinguished by their
colours, which contended in the ancient circus at Constantinople. The
white and the red were the most ancient. In the sixth century the
dissension between the green (or Prasini) and the blue (or Veneti) was so
violent, that 40,000 men were killed, and the factions were abolished
from that time. See also Gibbon's "Rome," chap. xl. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 4: The Guelfs were the Papal and popular party in Italy, and
the Ghibellines were the imperial and aristocratic. It is said that these
names were first used as war cries at the battle of Weinsberg in 1140.
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 5: These terms came into use about 1641. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 6: Writing under date, 1681, Burnet says "At this time the
distinguishing names of Whig and Tory came to be the denominations of the
parties" ("Hist. Own Times," i. 499) [T.S.]

_Whig a more_ was a nick name given to the western peasantry of Scotland,
from then using the words frequently in driving strings of horses. Hence,
as connected with Calvinistical principles in religion, and republican
doctrines in policy, it was given as a term of reproach to the opposition
party in the latter years of Charles II. These retorted upon the
courtiers the word _Tory_, signifying an Irish free-booter, and
particularly applicable to the Roman Catholic followers of the Duke of
York. [S]

Macaulay's explanation of the origin of these two terms is somewhat
different from that given by Scott. "In Scotland," he says, "some of the
persecuted Covenanters, driven mad by oppression, had lately murdered the
Primate, had taken aims against the government," etc. "These zealots were
most numerous among the rustics of the western lowlands, who were
vulgarly called Whigs. Thus the appellation of Whig was fastened on the
Presbyterian zealots of Scotland, and was transferred to those English
politicians who showed a disposition to oppose the court, and to treat
Protestant Nonconformists with indulgence. The bogs of Ireland, at the
same time, afforded a refuge to Popish outlaws, much resembling those who
were afterwards known as Whiteboys. These men were then called Tories.
The name of Tory was therefore given to Englishmen who refused to concur
in excluding a Roman Catholic prince from the throne." ("History of
England," vol. i, chap. ii) [T.S.]]

[Footnote 7: The Convention was summoned by the Prince of Orange in
December, 1688. After a lengthened debate they resolved, on February
12th, 1688/9, that the Prince and Princess of Orange should "be declared
King and Queen." The Sovereigns were proclaimed on February 13th, and on
the 20th the Convention was voted a Parliament. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 8: The bishops who were deprived for refusing to take the oath
of allegiance to King William were: Sancroft, the Archbishop of
Canterbury; Ken, Bishop of Bath; White, Bishop of Peterborough; Turner,
Bishop of Ely; Frampton, Bishop of Gloucester; and Lloyd, Bishop of
Norwich. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 9: Writing to Stella, under date October 10th, 1711, Swift
complains that "The Protestant Post-Boy" says "that an ambitious tantivy,
missing of his towering hopes of preferment in Ireland, is come over to
vent his spleen on the late ministry," etc. (vol. ii., p. 258, of present
edition). [T.S.]]

[Footnote 10: "The most virtuous and pious enemy to their wicked
principles [_i.e._, to those of the Calves-Head Club] is always cried
down as a high-flyer, a Papist, and a traitor to his country" ("Secret
History of the Calves-Head Club," 7th edit., 1709). [T.S.]]

[Footnote 11: Prince George of Denmark died October 28th, 1708. [T.S.]]



NUMB. 45.[1]

FROM THURSDAY MAY 31, TO THURSDAY JUNE 7, 1711.[2]

  _Magna vis est, magnum nomen, unum et idem sentieritis Senatus._[3]

Whoever calls to mind the clamour and the calumny, the artificial fears
and jealousies, the shameful misrepresentation of persons and of things,
that were raised and spread by the leaders and instruments of a certain
party, upon the change of the last ministry, and dissolution of
Parliament; if he be a true lover of his country, must feel a mighty
pleasure, though mixed with some indignation, to see the wishes, the
conjectures, the endeavours, of an inveterate faction entirely
disappointed; and this important period wholly spent, in restoring the
prerogative to the prince, liberty to the subject, in reforming past
abuses, preventing future, supplying old deficiencies, providing for
debts, restoring the clergy to their rights, and taking care of the
necessities of the Church: and all this unattended with any of those
misfortunes which some men hoped for, while they pretended to fear.

For my own part, I must confess, the difficulties appeared so great to
me, from such a noise and shew of opposition, that I thought nothing but
the absolute necessity of affairs, could ever justify so daring an
attempt. But, a wise and good prince, at the head of an able ministry,
and of a senate freely chosen; all united to pursue the true interest of
their country, is a power, against which, the little inferior politics
of any faction, will be able to make no long resistance. To this we may
add one additional strength, which in the opinion of our adversaries, is
the greatest and justest of any; I mean the _vox populi_, so indisputably
declarative on the same side. I am apt to think, when these discarded
politicians begin seriously to consider all this, they will think it
proper to give out, and reserve their wisdom for some more convenient
juncture.

It was pleasant enough to observe, that those who were the chief
instruments of raising the noise, who started fears, bespoke dangers, and
formed ominous prognostics, in order scare the allies, to spirit the
French, and fright ignorant people at home; made use of those very
opinions themselves had broached, for arguments to prove, that the change
of ministers was dangerous and unseasonable. But if a house be swept, the
more occasion there is for such a work, the more dust it will raise; if
it be going to ruin, the repairs, however necessary, will make a noise,
and disturb the neighbourhood a while. And as to the rejoicings made in
France,[4] if it be true, that they had any, upon the news of those
alterations among us; their joy was grounded upon the same hopes with
that of the Whigs, who comforted themselves, that a change of ministry
and Parliament, would infallibly put us all into confusion, increase our
divisions, and destroy our credit; wherein, I suppose, by this time they
are equally undeceived.

But this long session, being in a manner ended,[5] which several
circumstances, and one accident, altogether unforeseen, have drawn out
beyond the usual time; it may be some small piece of justice to so
excellent an assembly, barely to mention a few of those great things they
have done for the service of their QUEEN and country; which I shall take
notice of, just as they come to my memory.

The credit of the nation began mightily to suffer by a discount upon
exchequer bills, which have been generally reckoned the surest and most
sacred of all securities. The present lord treasurer, then a member of
the House of Commons, proposed a method, which was immediately complied
with, of raising them to a _par_ with _specie_;[6] and so they have ever
since continued.

The British colonies of Nevis and St. Christopher's,[7] had been
miserably plundered by the French, their houses burnt, their plantations
destroyed, and many of the inhabitants carried away prisoners: they had
often, for some years past, applied in vain for relief from hence; till
the present Parliament, considering their condition as a case of justice
and mercy, voted them one hundred thousand pound by way of recompense, in
some manner, for their sufferings.

Some persons, whom the voice of the nation authorizes me to call her
enemies, taking advantage of the general Naturalization Act, had invited
over a great number of foreigners of all religions, under the name of
Palatines;[8] who understood no trade or handicraft, yet rather chose to
beg than labour;[9] who besides infesting our streets, bred contagious
diseases, by which we lost in natives, thrice the number of what we
gained in foreigners. The House of Commons, as a remedy against this
evil, brought in a bill for repealing that Act of general Naturalization,
which, to the surprise of most people, was rejected by the L[or]ds.[10]
And upon this occasion, I must allow myself to have been justly rebuked
by one of my weekly monitors, for pretending in a former paper, to hope
that law would be repealed; wherein the Commons being disappointed, took
care however to send many of the Palatines away, and to represent their
being invited over, as a pernicious counsel.[11]

The Qualification Bill,[12] incapacitating all men to serve in
Parliament, who have not some estate in land, either in possession or
certain reversion, is perhaps the greatest security that ever was
contrived for preserving the constitution, which otherwise might, in a
little time, lie wholly at the mercy of the moneyed interest: And since
much the greatest part of the taxes is paid, either immediately from
land, or from the productions of it, it is but common justice, that those
who are the proprietors, should appoint what portion of it ought to go to
the support of the public; otherwise, the engrossers of money, would be
apt to lay heavy loads on others, which themselves never touch with one
of their fingers.

The public debts were so prodigiously increased, by the negligence and
corruption of those who had been managers of the revenue; that the late
m[iniste]rs, like careless men, who run out their fortunes, were so far
from any thoughts of payment, as they had not the courage to state or
compute them. The Parliament found that thirty-five millions had never
been accounted for; and that the debt on the navy, wholly unprovided for,
amounted to nine millions.[13] The late chancellor of the exchequer,
suitable to his transcendent genius for public affairs, proposed a fund
to be security for that immense debt, which is now confirmed by a law,
and is likely to prove the greatest restoration and establishment of
the kingdom's credit.[14] Nor content with this, the legislature
hath appointed commissioners of accompts, to inspect into past
mismanagements of the public money, and prevent them for the future.[15]

I have, in a former paper, mentioned the Act for building fifty new
Churches in London and Westminster,[16] with a fund appropriated for that
pious and noble work. But while I am mentioning acts of piety, it would
be unjust to conceal my lord high treasurer's concern for religion, which
have extended even to another kingdom: his lordship having some months
ago, obtained of her Majesty a remission of the first-fruits and tenths
to the clergy of Ireland,[17] as he is known to have formerly done for
that reverend body in this kingdom.

The Act for carrying on a Trade to the South-Sea,[18] proposed by the
same great person, whose thoughts are perpetually employed, and always
with success, on the good of his country, will, in all probability, if
duly executed, be of mighty advantage to the kingdom, and an everlasting
honour to the present Parliament.[19]

I might go on further, and mention that seasonable law against excessive
gaming;[20] the putting a stop to that scandalous fraud of false musters
in the Guards;[21] the diligent and effectual enquiry made by the Commons
into several gross abuses.[22] I might produce many instances of their
impartial justice in deciding controverted election, against former
example, and great provocations to retaliate.[23] I might shew their
cheerful readiness in granting such vast supplies; their great unanimity,
not to be broken by all the arts of a malicious and cunning faction;
their unfeigned duty to the QUEEN; and lastly, that representation made
to her Majesty from the House of Commons, discovering such a spirit and
disposition in that noble assembly, to redress all those evils, which a
long mal-administration had brought upon us.[24]

It is probable, that trusting only to my memory, I may have omitted many
things of great importance; neither do I pretend further in the compass
of this paper, than to give the world some general, however imperfect
idea, how worthily this great assembly hath discharged the trust of those
who so freely chose them; and what we may reasonably hope and expect from
the piety, courage, wisdom, and loyalty of such excellent patriots, in a
time so fruitful of occasions to exert the greatest abilities.

And now I conceive the main design I had in writing these papers, is
fully executed. A great majority of the nation is at length thoroughly
convinced, that the Qu[een] proceeded with the highest wisdom, in
changing her ministry and Parliament. That under a former administration,
the greatest abuses of all kinds were committed, and the most dangerous
attempts against the constitution for some time intended. The whole
kingdom finds the present persons in power, directly and openly pursuing
the true service of their QUEEN and country; and to be such whom their
most bitter enemies cannot tax with bribery, covetousness, ambition,
pride, insolence, or any pernicious principles in religion or government.

For my own particular, those little barking pens which have so constantly
pursued me, I take to be of no further consequence to what I have writ,
than the scoffing slaves of old, placed behind the chariot, to put the
general in mind of his mortality;[25] which was but a thing of form, and
made no stop or disturbance in the shew. However, if those perpetual
snarlers against me, had the same design, I must own they have
effectually compassed it; since nothing can well be more mortifying, than
to reflect that I am of the same species with creatures capable of
uttering so much scurrility, dullness, falsehood and impertinence, to the
scandal and disgrace of human nature.


[Footnote 1: No. 44 in the reprint. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 2: To Stella, about this time, Swift wrote giving a decided
hint of the end of his term on "The Examiner." Under date June 7th, 1711,
he says: "As for the 'Examiner,' I have heard a whisper, that after that
of this day, which tells what this Parliament has done, you will hardly
find them so good. I prophesy they will be trash for the future; and
methinks in this day's 'Examiner' the author talks doubtfully, as if he
would write no more" (vol. ii., pp. 192-3 of present edition). [T.S.]]

[Footnote 3: "Great is the power, great the name, of a Senate which is
unanimous in its opinions."--H.T. RILEY, [T.S.]]

[Footnote 4: See No. 24, _ante_, and note on p. 145. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 5: The session did not actually close till June 12th. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 6: The House of Commons had resolved on January 16th, 1710/1,
to provide for converting all non-specie exchequer bills into specie.
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 7: The Act for licensing and regulating hackney coaches, etc.
(9 Ann. c. 16) provided that a sum of ВЈ103,003 11_s._ 4_d._ should be
distributed among those proprietors and inhabitants of Nevis and St.
Christopher's who had suffered "very great losses by a late invasion of
the French." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 8: See note on p. 264. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 9: A petition was presented to the House of Commons on January
15th, 1710/1, against the Palatines as likely to spread disease and to
become chargeable to the parish. [T.S.]

The exactions of the French armies in the Palatinate, in the year 1709,
drove from their habitations six or seven thousand persons of all
descriptions and professions, who came into Holland with a view of
emigrating to British America. It was never accurately ascertained, with
what view, or by whose persuasions, their course was changed, but, by
direction from the English ministers, they were furnished with shipping
to come to England. In the settlements, they would have been a valuable
colony; but in the vicinity of London, this huge accession to the poor of
the metropolis was a burthen and a nuisance. They were encamped on
Blackheath, near Greenwich, where, so soon as their countrymen heard that
they were supported by British charity, the number of the fugitives began
to increase by recruits from the Continent, till government prohibited
further importation. A general Naturalization Act, passed in favour of
the French Protestants, greatly encouraged this influx of strangers. This
matter was inquired into by the Tory Parliament, who voted, that the
bringing over the Palatines was an oppression on the nation, and a waste
of the public money, and that he who advised it was an enemy to his
country. The unfortunate fugitives had been already dispersed; some of
them to North America, some to Ireland, and some through Britain. The
pretence alleged for the vote against them, was the apprehension
expressed by the guardians of the poor in several parishes, that they
might introduce contagious diseases; but the real reason was a wish to
gratify the prejudice of the common people against foreigners, and to
dimmish the number of Dissenters. [S.]]

[Footnote 10: See No. 26, _ante_, and note on p. 160. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 11: On the invitation of the lord lieutenant 3,000 Palatines
were sent into Ireland in August, 1709, and 800 in the following
February. Many of them subsequently returned to England in the hope that
they would be sent to Carolina. Large numbers had been brought to England
from Holland at the Queen's expense, after the passing of the
Naturalization Act. The government spent _ВЈ_22,275 in transporting
3,300 of them to New York and establishing them there, undertaking to
maintain them until they could provide for themselves. These sums were to
be repaid within four years. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 12: See No. 35, _ante_, and note on p. 225. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 13: See No. 41, _ante_, and note on p. 264. The debt on the
navy is a portion of the thirty-five millions referred to. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 14: Harley proposed a scheme, on May 2nd, 1711, by which all
public and national debts and deficiencies were to be satisfied.
Resolutions were passed on May 3rd, and a Bill brought in on the 17th,
which was the origin of the celebrated South Sea scheme referred to later
in the text. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 15: The Bill for examining the Public Accounts (9 Ann. c. 18)
became law on May 16th. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 16: See No. 43, _ante_, pp. 278 _et seq._ [T.S.]]

[Footnote 17: On August 15th, 1711, Swift wrote to Archbishop King: "He
[the lord treasurer] told me, 'he had lately received a letter from the
bishops of Ireland, subscribed (as I remember) by seventeen,
acknowledging his favour about the first-fruits'" (Scott's edition, xv.
465). [T.S.]]

[Footnote 18: The South Sea Company was established in pursuance of the
Act 9 Ann. c. 15. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 19: The disastrous results of the South Sea scheme, when the
company failed in 1720-21, are matter of history. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 20: A Bill for the better preventing of Excessive and Deceitful
Gaming, was introduced January 25th, 1710/1, passed April 11th, and
obtained the Royal Assent, May 16th (9 Ann. c. 19). A similar bill,
which had passed the House of Commons in 1709/10, was dropped in the
House of Lords. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 21: A committee of the House of Commons was appointed, on
February 5th, 1710/1 to inquire into alleged false musters in the Guards.
A petition was presented to the House on February 13th, complaining that
tradesmen were listed in Her Majesty's Guards "to screen and protect them
from their creditors." A clause was inserted in the Recruiting Bill to
remedy this evil (10 Ann. c. 12; see sec. 39), and the House passed a
strong resolution against the practice, on May 26th, when considering the
report of the committee. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 22: The House of Commons, on June 4th, presented a
representation to the Queen on mismanagements and abuses. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 23: A large number of petitions to the House of Commons
concerning controverted elections had been considered in December, 1710.
[T.S.]]

[Footnote 24: Towards the close of the very long representation
addressed to the Queen on June 4th, the Commons said: "We ... beseech
your Majesty ... that you would employ in places of authority and trust
such only, as have given good testimonies of their duty to your Majesty,
and of their affection to the true interest of your kingdom." [T.S.]]

[Footnote 25: In a Roman triumph a slave accompanied the victorious
general to whisper in his ear: "Remember that thou art but a man."
[T.S.]]




NUMB. 46.[1]

FROM THURSDAY JUNE 7, TO THURSDAY JUNE 14, 1711.[2]

  _Melius non tangere clamo_.[3]

When a general has conquered an army, and reduced a country to obedience,
he often finds it necessary to send out small bodies, in order to take in
petty castles and forts, and beat little straggling parties, which are
otherwise, apt to make head and infest the neighbourhood: This case
exactly resembles mine; I count the main body of the Whigs entirely
subdued; at least, till they appear with new reinforcements, I shall
reckon them as such; and therefore do now find myself at leisure to
_Examine_ inferior abuses. The business I have left, is, to fall on those
wretches that will be still keeping the war on foot, when they have no
country to defend, no forces to bring into the field, nor any thing
remaining, but their bare good-will towards faction and mischief: I mean,
the present set of writers, whom I have suffered, without molestation, so
long to infest the town. Were there not a concurrence from prejudice,
party, weak understanding, and misrepresentation, I should think them too
inconsiderable in themselves to deserve correction: But as my endeavour
hath been to expose the gross impositions of the fallen party, I will
give a taste, in the following petition, of the sincerity of these their
factors, to shew how little those writers for the Whigs were guided by
conscience or honour, their business being only to gratify a prevailing
interest.


"_To the Right Honourable the present M[inist]ry, the humble Petition of
the Party Writers to the late M[inist]ry._

"HUMBLY SHEWETH,

"_That your petitioners have served their time to the trade of writing
pamphlets and weekly papers, in defence of the Whigs, against the Church
of England, and the Christian religion, and her Majesty's prerogative,
and her title to the crown: That since the late change of ministry, and
meeting of this Parliament, the said trade is mightily fallen off, and
the call for the said pamphlets and papers, much less than formerly; and
it is feared, to our further prejudice, that the 'Examiner' may
discontinue writing, whereby some of your petitioners will be brought to
utter distress, forasmuch as through false quotations, noted absurdities,
and other legal abuses, many of your petitioners, to their great comfort
and support, were enabled to pick up a weekly subsistence out of the said
'Examiner.'

"That your said poor petitioners, did humbly offer your Honours to write
in defence of the late change of ministry and Parliament, much cheaper
than they did for your predecessors, which your Honours were pleased to
refuse.

"Notwithstanding which offer, your petitioners are under daily
apprehension, that your Honours will forbid them to follow the said trade
any longer; by which your petitioners, to the number of fourscore, with
their wives and families, will inevitably starve, having been bound to no
other calling._

"Your petitioners desire your Honours will tenderly consider the
premisses, and suffer your said petitioners to continue their trade
(those who set them at work, being still willing to employ them, though
at lower rates) and your said petitioners will give security to make use
of the same stuff, and dress it in the same manner, as they always did,
and no other. _And your petitioners" &c._


[Footnote 1: No. 45 in the reprint. [T.S.]]

[Footnote 2: In his "Journal to Stella," under date June 22nd, 1711,
Swift writes: "Yesterday's was a sad 'Examiner,' and last week was very
indifferent, though, some little scraps of the old spirit, as if he had
given some hints; but yesterday's is all trash. It is plain the hand is
changed." (vol. ii., p, 195).

On November 2nd he gives the following account: "I have sent to Leigh the
set of 'Examiners'; the first thirteen were written by several hands;
some good, some bad; the next three-and-thirty were all by one hand, that
makes forty-six: then that author, whoever he was, laid it down on
purpose to confound guessers; and the last six were written by a woman"
(vol. ii., p. 273). [T.S.]]

[Footnote 3: Horace, "Satires," II. i. 45.
"'Better not touch me, friend,' I loud exclaim."--P. FRANCIS. [T.S.]]




CONTRIBUTION TO "THE SPECTATOR."


NOTE.

"THE SPECTATOR," projected by Steele, assisted and made famous by
Addison, was first started on March 1st, 1710/1, and continued to be
issued daily until December 6th, 1712. An interval of eighteen months
then occurred, during six of which these two writers were busy with
"The Guardian." On June 18th, 1714, however, "The Spectator" was resumed,
and appeared daily until its final number on December 20th of that year.
As with "The Tatler," so with "The Spectator," its success proved too
great a temptation to be resisted; so that we find a spurious "Spectator"
also. This was begun on Monday, January 3rd, 1714/5, and concluded
August 3rd of the same year. Its sixty numbers (for it was issued twice a
week) were afterwards published as "The Spectator, volume ninth and
last." The principal writer to this spurious edition was said to be Dr.
George Sewell.

Of the contributions to Steele's "Spectator," by far the greater
number were written by the projector and Addison. The other contributors
were Eustace Budgell, John Hughes, John Byrom, Henry Grove, Thomas
Parnell, "Orator" Henley, Dr. Zachary Pearce, Philip Yorke, and a few
others whose identity is doubtful. Swift's contribution consisted of one
paper only, and (probably) a single paragraph in another. [T.S.]




THE SPECTATOR, NUMB. L.[1]


  _Nunquam aliud natura, aliud sapientia dicit._
  JUV.[2]

FRIDAY, APRIL 27. 1711.

When the four Indian kings[3] were in this country about a twelvemonth
ago, I often mixed with the rabble and followed them a whole day
together, being wonderfully struck with the sight of everything that is
new or uncommon. I have, since their departure, employed a friend to make
many enquiries of their landlord the upholsterer[4] relating to their
manners and conversation, as also concerning the remarks which they made
in this country: for next to the forming a right notion of such
strangers, I should be desirous of learning what ideas they have
conceived of us.

The upholsterer finding my friend very inquisitive about these his
lodgers, brought him some time since a little bundle of papers, which he
assured him were written by King Sa Ga Yean Qua Rash Tow, and, as he
supposes, left behind by some mistake. These papers are now translated,
and contain abundance of very odd observations, which I find this little
fraternity of kings made during their stay in the isle of Great Britain.
I shall present my reader with a short specimen of them in this paper,
and may perhaps communicate more to him hereafter. In the article of
London are the following words, which without doubt are meant of the
church of St. Paul.

"On the most rising part of the town there stands a huge house, big
enough to contain the whole nation of which I am king. Our good brother E
Tow O Koam king of the Rivers, is of opinion it was made by the hands of
that great God to whom it is consecrated. The kings of Granajah and of
the Six Nations believe that it was created with the earth, and produced
on the same day with the sun and moon. But for my own part, by the best
information that I could get of this matter, I am apt to think that this
prodigious pile was fashioned into the shape it now bears by several
tools and instruments; of which they have a wonderful variety in this
country. It was probably at first an huge mis-shapen rock that grew upon
the top of the hill, which the natives of the country (after having cut
it into a kind of regular figure) bored and hollowed with incredible
pains and industry, till they had wrought in it all those beautiful
vaults and caverns into which it is divided at this day. As soon as this
rock was thus curiously scooped to their liking, a prodigious number of
hands must have been employed in chipping the outside of it, which is now
as smooth as polished marble;[5] and is in several places hewn out into
pillars that stand like the trunks of so many trees bound about the top
with garlands of leaves. It is probable that when this great work was
begun, which must have been many hundred years ago, there was some
religion among this people; for they give it the name of a temple, and
have a tradition that it was designed for men to pay their devotions in.
And indeed, there are several reasons which make us think, that the
natives of this Country had formerly among them some sort of worship; for
they set apart every seventh day as sacred: but upon my going into one of
those holy houses on that day, I could not observe any circumstance of
devotion in their behaviour: There was indeed a man in black who was
mounted above the rest, and seemed to utter something with a great deal
of vehemence; but as for those underneath him, instead of paying their
worship to the Deity of the place, they were most of them bowing and
curtsying to one another, and a considerable number of them fast asleep.

"The Queen of the country appointed two men to attend us, that had enough
of our language to make themselves understood in some few particulars.
But we soon perceived these two were great enemies to one another, and
did not always agree in the same story. We could make a shift to gather
out of one of them, that this island was very much infested with a
monstrous kind of animals, in the shape of men, called Whigs; and he
often told us, that he hoped we should meet with none of them in our way,
for that if we did, they would be apt to knock us down for being kings.

"Our other interpreter used to talk very much of a kind of animal called
a Tory, that was as great a monster as the Whig, and would treat us as
ill for being foreigners.[6] These two creatures, it seems, are born with
a secret antipathy to one another, and engage when they meet as naturally
as the elephant and the rhinoceros. But as we saw none of either of these
species, we are apt to think that our guides deceived us with
misrepresentations and fictions, and amused us with an account of such
monsters as are not really in their country.

"These particulars we made a shift to pick out from the discourse of our
interpreters; which we put together as well as we could, being able to
understand but here and there a word of what they said, and afterwards
making up the meaning of it among ourselves. The men of the country are
very cunning and ingenious in handicraft works; but withal so very idle,
that we often saw young lusty raw-boned fellows carried up and down the
streets in little covered rooms by a couple of porters who are hired for
that service. Their dress is likewise very barbarous, for they almost
strangle themselves about the neck, and bind their bodies with many
ligatures, that we are apt to think are the occasion of several
distempers among them which our country is entirely free from. Instead of
those beautiful feathers with which we adorn our heads, they often buy up
a monstrous bush of hair, which covers their heads, and falls down in a
large fleece below the middle of their backs; with which they walk up and
down the streets, and are as proud of it as if it was of their own
growth.

"We were invited to one of their public diversions, where we hoped to
have seen the great men of their country running down a stag or pitching
a bar, that we might have discovered who were the men of the greatest
perfections in their country;[7] but instead of that, they conveyed us
into an huge room lighted up with abundance of candles, where this lazy
people sat still above three hours to see several feats of ingenuity
performed by others, who it seems were paid for it.

"As for the women of the country, not being able to talk with them, we
could only make our remarks upon them at a distance. They let the hair of
their heads grow to a great length; but as the men make a great show with
heads of hair that are none of their own, the women, who they say have
very fine heads of hair, tie it up in a knot and cover it from being
seen. The women look like angels, and would be more beautiful than the
sun, were it not for little black spots[8] that are apt to break out in
their faces, and sometimes rise in very odd figures. I have observed that
those little blemishes wear off very soon; but when they disappear in one
part of the face, they are very apt to break out in another, insomuch
that I have seen a spot upon the forehead in the afternoon, which was
upon the chin in the morning."

The author then proceeds to shew the absurdity of breeches and
petticoats, with many other curious observations, which I shall reserve
for another occasion. I cannot however conclude this paper without taking
notice, that amidst these wild remarks there now and then appears
something very reasonable. I cannot likewise forbear observing, that we
are all guilty in some measure of the same narrow way of thinking which
we meet with in this abstract of the Indian journal; when we fancy the
customs, dresses, and manners of other countries are ridiculous and
extravagant, if they do not resemble those of our own.[9]


[Footnote 1: On March 16th, 1711, Swift writes to Stella: "Have you seen
the 'Spectator' yet, a paper that comes out every day? 'Tis written by
Mr. Steele, who seems to have gathered new life, and have a new fund
of wit; it is in the same nature as his 'Tatlers,' and they have all of
them had something pretty. I believe Addison and he club." On April 28th
he writes again: "'The Spectator' is written by Steele with Addison's
help: 'tis often very pretty. Yesterday it was made of a noble hint I
gave him long ago for his 'Tatlers,' about an Indian supposed to write
his travels into England. I repent he ever had it. I intended to have
written a book on that subject. I believe he has spent it all in one
paper, and all the under hints there are mine too" (vol. ii., pp. 139 and
166 of present edition). [T.S.]]