[Footnote 2: Juvenal, "Satires," xiv. 321.
"Nature and wisdom never are at strife."--W. GIFFORD.
[T.S.]]
[Footnote 3: Steele's paper on the four Indian kings appeared in "The
Tatler" for May 13th, 1710 (No. 171):--"Who can convince the world that
four kings shall come over here, and He at the Two Crowns and Cushion,
and one of them fall sick, and the place be called King Street, and all
this by mere accident?"--The so-called kings were four Iroquois chiefs
who came over to see Queen Anne. The Queen saw them on April 19th, 1710.
During their visit here Colonel Schuyler and Colonel Francis Nicholson
were appointed to attend them. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 4: They lodged over the shop of Mr. Arne--father of Dr. Arne
and Mrs. Cibber--in King Street, Covent Garden. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 5: The edition of 1712 has, "as the surface of a pebble."
[T.S.]]
[Footnote 6: In "The Tatler" for February 4th, 1709/10 (No. 129),
Steele prints a letter from "Pasquin of Rome," in which he says: "It
would also be very acceptable here to receive an account of those two
religious orders which are lately sprung up amongst you, the Whigs and
the Tories, with the points of doctrine, severities in discipline,
penances, mortifications, and good works, by which they differ one from
another." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 7: The edition of 1712 has: "the persons of the greatest
abilities among them." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 8: See "The Spectator," No. 81, and "The Examiner," No. 32. The
"black spots" are the patches ladies stuck on their faces. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 9: This paper is signed "C.", in the edition of 1712, which is
one of the signatures used by Addison. See, however, Swift's "Journal,"
quoted above. [T.S.]]
* * * * *
[The following paragraph in "The Spectator," No. 575
Monday, August 2. 1714. is believed to have been contributed
by Swift.]
"The following question is started by one of the schoolmen. Supposing the
whole body of the earth were a great ball or mass of the finest sand, and
that a single grain or particle of this sand should be annihilated every
thousand years. Supposing then that you had it in your choice to be happy
all the while this prodigious mass of sand was consuming by this slow
method till there was not a grain of it left, on condition you were to be
miserable for ever after; or, supposing that you might be happy for ever
after, on condition you would be miserable till the whole mass of sand
were thus annihilated at the rate of one sand in a thousand years: Which
of these two cases would you make your choice?"
CONTRIBUTIONS TO "THE INTELLIGENCER."
NOTE.
"THE INTELLIGENCER" was published in Dublin, commencing May 11th, 1728,
and continued for nineteen numbers. On June 12th, 1731, Swift, writing to
Pope, gives some account of its inception, and the amount of writing he
did for it: "Two or three of us had a fancy, three years ago, to write a
weekly paper, and call it an 'Intelligencer.' But it continued not long;
for the whole volume (it was reprinted in London, and I find you have
seen it) was the work only of two, myself, and Dr. Sheridan. If we could
have got some ingenious young man to have been the manager, who should
have published all that might be sent him, it might have continued
longer, for there were hints enough. But the printer here could not
afford such a young man one farthing for his trouble, the sale being so
small, and the price one halfpenny; and so it dropped. In the volume you
saw, (to answer your questions,) the 1, 3, 5, 7, were mine. Of the 8th I
writ only the verses, (very uncorrect, but against a fellow we all hated
[Richard Tighe],) the 9th mine, the 10th only the verses, and of those
not the four last slovenly lines; the 15th is a pamphlet of mine printed
before, with Dr. Sheridan's preface, merely for laziness, not to
disappoint the town: and so was the 19th, which contains only a parcel of
facts relating purely to the miseries of Ireland, and wholly useless and
unentertaining" (Scott's edition, xvii. 375-6).
Of the contributions thus acknowledged, Nos. 1, 3, and 19 are reprinted
here from the original edition; Nos. 5 and 7 were included by Pope in the
fourth volume of "Miscellanies," under the title "An Essay on the Fates
of Clergymen"; No. 9 he entitled "An Essay on Modern Education"; No. 15
was a reprint of the pamphlet "A Short View of the State of Ireland"--
these will be found in this edition under the above titles. The verses in
No. 8 ("Mad Mullinix and Timothy") and in No. 10 ("Tim and the Fables")
are in Swift's "Poems," Aldine edition, vol. iii., pp. 132-43.
The nineteen numbers of "The Intelligencer" were collected and published
in one volume, which was reprinted in London in 1729, "and sold by A.
Moor in St. Paul's Church-yard." Monck Mason never saw a copy of the
London reprint referred to by Swift. He had in his possession the
original papers; "they are twenty in number," he says; "the last is
double." The second London edition, published in 12mo in 1730, as
"printed for Francis Cogan, at the Middle-Temple-Gate in Fleet-street,"
includes No. 20, "Dean Smedley, gone to seek his Fortune," and also a
poem, "The Pheasant and the Lark. A Fable." In the poem, several writers
are compared to birds, Swift being the nightingale:
"At length the nightingale was heard,
For voice and wisdom long revered,
Esteemed of all the wise and good,
The guardian genius of the wood;" etc.
The poem was written by Swift's friend, Dr. Delany. The title-page of
this second edition ascribes the authorship, "By the Author of a Tale
of a Tub."
"The Intelligencer," in the words of W. Monck Mason, "served as a vehicle
of satire against the Dean's political and literary enemies; of these the
chief were, Richard Tighe, Sir Thomas Prendergast, and Jonathan Smedley,
Dean of Clogher" ("Hist, and Antiq. of St. Patrick's," pp. 376-7). [T.S.]
THE INTELLIGENCER, NUMB. 1.[1]
SATURDAY, MAY 11, TO BE CONTINUED WEEKLY.
It may be said, without offence to other cities, of much greater
consequence in the world, that our town of Dublin doth not want its due
proportion of folly, and vice, both native and imported; and as to those
imported, we have the advantage to receive them last, and consequently
after our happy manner to improve, and refine upon them.
But, because there are many effects of folly and vice among us, whereof
some are general, others confined to smaller numbers, and others again,
perhaps to a few individuals; there is a society lately established, who
at great expense, have erected an office of Intelligence, from which they
are to receive weekly information of all important events and
singularities, which this famous metropolis can furnish. Strict
injunctions are given to have the truest information: in order to which,
certain qualified persons are employed to attend upon duty in their
several posts; some at the play-house, others in churches, some at balls,
assemblies, coffee-houses, and meetings for quadrille,[2] some at the
several courts of justice, both spiritual and temporal, some at the
college, some upon my lord mayor, and aldermen in their public affairs;
lastly, some to converse with favourite chamber-maids, and to frequent
those ale-houses, and brandy-shops, where the footmen of great families
meet in a morning; only the barracks and Parliament-house are excepted;
because we have yet found no _enfans perdus_ bold enough to venture their
persons at either. Out of these and some other store-houses, we hope to
gather materials enough to inform, or divert, or correct, or vex the
town.
But as facts, passages, and adventures of all kinds, are like to have the
greatest share in our paper, whereof we cannot always answer for the
truth; due care shall be taken to have them applied to feigned names,
whereby all just offence will be removed; for if none be guilty, none
will have cause to blush or be angry; if otherwise, then the guilty
person is safe for the future upon his present amendment, and safe for
the present, from all but his own conscience.
There is another resolution taken among us, which I fear will give a
greater and more general discontent, and is of so singular a nature, that
I have hardly confidence enough to mention it, although it be absolutely
necessary by way of apology, for so bold and unpopular an attempt. But so
it is, that we have taken a desperate counsel to produce into the world
every distinguished action, either of justice, prudence, generosity,
charity, friendship, or public spirit, which comes well attested to us.
And although we shall neither here be so daring as to assign names, yet
we shall hardly forbear to give some hints, that perhaps to the great
displeasure of such deserving persons may endanger a discovery. For we
think that even virtue itself, should submit to such a mortification, as
by its visibility and example, will render it more useful to the world.
But however, the readers of these papers, need not be in pain of being
overcharged, with so dull and ungrateful a subject. And yet who knows,
but such an occasion may be offered to us, once in a year or two, after
we shall have settled a correspondence round the kingdom.
But after all our boasts of materials, sent us by our several emissaries,
we may probably soon fall short, if the town will not be pleased to lend
us further assistance toward entertaining itself. The world best knows
its own faults and virtues, and whatever is sent shall be faithfully
returned back, only a little embellished according to the custom of
authors. We do therefore demand and expect continual advertisements in
great numbers, to be sent to the printer of this paper, who hath employed
a judicious secretary to collect such as may be most useful for the
public.
And although we do not intend to expose our own persons by mentioning
names, yet we are so far from requiring the same caution in our
correspondents, that on the contrary, we expressly _charge_ and _command_
them, in all the facts they send us, to set down the names, titles, and
places of abode at length; together with a very particular description
of the persons, dresses, and dispositions of the several lords, ladies,
squires, madams, lawyers, gamesters, toupees, sots, wits, rakes, and
informers, whom they shall have occasion to mention; otherwise it will
not be possible for us to adjust our style to the different qualities,
and capacities of the persons concerned, and treat them with the respect
or familiarity, that may be due to their stations and characters, which
we are determined to observe with the utmost strictness, that none may
have cause to complain.
[Footnote 1: In the "Contents" to both the editions of 1729 and 1730,
this is called "Introduction." Each of the numbers has a special title in
this table, as follows:
No. I. Introduction.
II. The Inhospitable Temper of 'Squire Wether.
III. A Vindication of Mr. Gay, and the Beggar's Opera.
IV. The Folly of Gaming.
V. A Description of what the World calls Discretion.
VI. A Representation of the Present Condition of Ireland.
VII. The Character of Corusodes and Eugenio.
VIII. A Dialogue between Mullinix and Timothy.
IX. The foolish Methods of Education among the Nobility.
X. Tim and Gay's Fables.
XI. Proposals in Prose and Verse for, An Universal View of all the
eminent Writers on the Holy Scriptures, &c.
XII. Sir Ralph the Patriot turned Courtier.
XIII. The Art of Story-Telling.
XIV. Prometheus's Art of Man-making: And the Tale of the T--d.
XV. The Services the Drapier has done his Country, and the Steps taken to
ruin it.
XVI. The Adventures of the three Brothers, George, Patrick, and Andrew.
XVII. The Marks of Ireland's Poverty, shewn to be evident Proofs of its
Riches.
XVIII. St. Andrew's Day, and the Drapier's Birth-Day.
XIX. The Hardships of the Irish being deprived of their Silver, and
decoyed into America.
[XX. Dean Smedley, gone to seek his Fortune.
The Pheasant and the Lark. A Fable.]-[T.S.]]
[Footnote 2: A fashionable card game of the time. See also Swift's poem,
"The Journal of a Modern Lady" (Aldine edition, vol. i., pp. 214-23), and
"A New Proposal for the better regulation ... of Quadrille," written by
Dr. Josiah Hort, Bp. of Kilmore, in 1735/6 (afterwards Abp. of Tuam), and
included by Scott in his edition of Swift (vii. 372-7). [T.S.]]
THE INTELLIGENCER, NUMB. III.[1]
--_Ipse per omnes
Ibit personas, et turbam reddet in unam._[2]
The players having now almost done with the comedy, called the "Beggar's
Opera,"[3] for this season, it may be no unpleasant speculation, to
reflect a little upon this dramatic piece, so singular in the subject,
and the manner, so much an original, and which hath frequently given so
very agreeable an entertainment.[4]
Although an evil taste be very apt to prevail, both here, and in London,
yet there is a point which whoever can rightly touch, will never fail of
pleasing a very great majority; so great, that the dislikers, out of
dullness or affectation will be silent, and forced to fall in with the
herd; the point I mean, is what we call humour, which in its perfection
is allowed to be much preferable to wit, if it be not rather the most
useful, and agreeable species of it.
I agree with Sir William Temple, that the word is peculiar to our English
tongue, but I differ from him in the opinion, that the thing itself is
peculiar to the English nation,[5] because the contrary may be found in
many Spanish, Italian and French productions, and particularly, whoever
hath a taste for true humour, will find a hundred instances of it in
those volumes printed in France, under the name of _Le Théâtre
Italien_,[6] to say nothing of Rabelais, Cervantes, and many others.
Now I take the comedy or farce, (or whatever name the critics will allow
it) called the "Beggar's Opera"; to excel in this article of humour; and,
upon that merit, to have met with such prodigious success both here, and
in England.
As to poetry, eloquence and music, which are said to have most power over
the minds of men, it is certain that very few have a taste or judgment of
the excellencies of the two former, and if a man succeeds in either, it
is upon the authority of those few judges, that lend their taste to the
bulk of readers, who have none of their own. I am told there are as few
good judges in music, and that among those who crowd the operas, nine in
ten go thither merely out of curiosity, fashion, or affectation.
But a taste for humour is in some manner fixed to the very nature of man,
and generally obvious to the vulgar, except upon subjects too refined,
and superior to their understanding.
And as this taste of humour is purely natural, so is humour itself,
neither is it a talent confined to men of wit, or learning; for we
observe it sometimes among common servants, and the meanest of the
people, while the very owners are often ignorant of the gift they
possess.
I know very well, that this happy talent is contemptibly treated by
critics, under the name of low humour, or low comedy; but I know
likewise, that the Spaniards and Italians, who are allowed to have the
most wit of any nation in Europe, do most excel in it, and do most esteem
it.
By what disposition of the mind, what influence of the stars, or what
situation of the climate this endowment is bestowed upon mankind, may be
a question fit for philosophers to discuss. It is certainly the best
ingredient toward that kind of satire, which is most useful, and gives
the least offence; which instead of lashing, laughs men out of their
follies, and vices, and is the character which gives Horace the
preference to Juvenal.
And although some things are too serious, solemn or sacred to be turned
into ridicule, yet the abuses of them are certainly not, since it is
allowed that corruption in religion, politics, and law, may be proper
topics for this kind of satire.
There are two ends that men propose in writing satire, one of them less
noble than the other, as regarding nothing further than personal
satisfaction, and pleasure of the writer; but without any view towards
personal malice; the other is a public spirit, prompting men of genius
and virtue, to mend the world as far as they are able. And as both these
ends are innocent, so the latter is highly commendable. With regard to
the former, I demand whether I have not as good a title to laugh, as men
have to be ridiculous, and to expose vice, as another hath to be vicious.
If I ridicule the follies and corruptions of a court, a ministry, or a
senate; are they not amply paid by pensions, titles, and power, while I
expect and desire no other reward, than that of laughing with a few
friends in a corner. Yet, if those who take offence, think me in the
wrong, I am ready to change the scene with them, whenever they please.
But if my design be to make mankind better, then I think it is my duty,
at least I am sure it is the interest of those very courts and ministers,
whose follies or vices I ridicule, to reward me for my good intentions;
for, if it be reckoned a high point of wisdom to get the laughers on
our side, it is much more easy, as well as wise to get those on our side,
who can make millions laugh when they please.
My reason for mentioning courts, and ministers, (whom I never think on,
but with the most profound veneration) is because an opinion obtains that
in the "Beggar's Opera" there appears to be some reflection upon
courtiers and statesmen, whereof I am by no means a judge[7].
It is true indeed that Mr. Gay, the author of this piece, hath been
somewhat singular in the course of his fortunes, for it hath happened,
that after fourteen years attending the court, with a large stock of real
merit, a modest, and agreeable conversation, a hundred promises, and five
hundred friends [he] hath failed of preferment, and upon a very weighty
reason. He lay under the suspicion of having written a libel, or lampoon
against a great m[inister][8]. It is true that great m[inister] was
demonstratively convinced, and publicly owned his conviction, that Mr.
Gay was not the author; but having lain under the suspicion, it seemed
very just, that he should suffer the punishment; because in this most
reformed age, the virtues of a great m[inister] are no more to be
suspected, than the chastity of Caesar's wife.
It must be allowed, that the "Beggar's Opera" is not the first of Mr.
Gay's works, wherein he hath been faulty, with regard to courtiers and
statesmen. For, to omit his other pieces even in his Fables, published
within two years past, and dedicated to the Duke of Cumberland, for which
he was promised a reward[9]; he hath been thought somewhat too bold upon
courtiers. And although it is highly probable, he meant only the
courtiers of former times, yet he acted unwarily, by not considering that
the malignity of some people might misinterpret what he said to the
disadvantage of present persons, and affairs.
But I have now done with Mr. Gay as a politician, and shall consider him
henceforward only as author of the "Beggar's Opera," wherein he hath by a
turn of humour, entirely new, placed vices of all kinds in the strongest
and most odious light; and thereby done eminent service, both to religion
and morality. This appears from the unparalleled success he hath met
with. All ranks parties and denominations of men, either crowding to see
his opera, or reading it with delight in their closets, even ministers of
state, whom he is thought to have most offended (next to those whom the
actors more immediately represent) appearing frequently at the theatre,
from a consciousness of their own innocence, and to convince the world
how unjust a parallel, malice, envy, and disaffection to the government
have made.
I am assured that several worthy clergymen in this city, went privately
to see the "Beggar's Opera" represented; and that the fleering coxcombs
in the pit, amused themselves with making discoveries, and spreading the
names of those gentlemen round the audience.
I shall not pretend to vindicate a clergyman, who would appear openly in
his habit at a theatre, among such a vicious crew, as would probably
stand round him, and at such lewd comedies, and profane tragedies as are
often represented. Besides I know very well, that persons of their
function are bound to avoid the appearance of evil, or of giving cause of
offence. But when the lords chancellors, who are keepers of the king's
conscience, when the judges of the land, whose title is _reverend_, when
ladies, who are bound by the rules of their sex, to the strictest
decency, appear in the theatre without censure, I cannot understand, why
a young clergyman who goes concealed out of curiosity to see an innocent
and moral play, should be so highly condemned; nor do I much approve the
rigour of a great p[rela]te, who said, "he hoped none of his clergy were
there." I am glad to hear there are no weightier objections against that
reverend body, planted in this city, and I wish there never may. But I
should be very sorry that any of them should be so weak, as to imitate a
court chaplain in England, who preached against the "Beggar's Opera,"
which will probably do more good than a thousand sermons of so stupid, so
injudicious, and so prostitute a divine[10].
In this happy performance of Mr. Gay, all the characters are just, and
none of them carried beyond nature, or hardly beyond practice. It
discovers the whole system of that commonwealth, or that _imperium in
imperio_ of iniquity, established among us, by which neither our lives,
nor our properties are secure, either in the highways, or in public
assemblies, or even in our own houses. It shews the miserable lives, and
the constant fate of those abandoned wretches; for how little they sell
their lives and souls; betrayed by their whores, their comrades, and the
receivers and purchasers of these thefts and robberies. This comedy
contains likewise a satire, which, although it doth by no means affect
the present age, yet might have been useful in the former, and may
possibly be so in ages to come. I mean where the author takes occasion of
comparing those common robbers to robbers of the public;[11] and their
several stratagems of betraying, undermining, and hanging each other,[12]
to the several arts of politicians in times of corruption.
This comedy likewise exposeth with great justice, that unnatural taste
for Italian music among us,[13] which is wholly unsuitable to our
northern climate, and the genius of the people, whereby we are over-run
with Italian effeminacy, and Italian nonsense. An old gentleman said to
me, that many years ago, when the practice of an unnatural vice grew so
frequent in London, that many were prosecuted for it, he was sure it
would be a forerunner[14] of Italian operas, and singers; and then we
should want nothing but stabbing or poisoning, to make us perfect
Italians.
Upon the whole, I deliver my judgment, that nothing but servile
attachment to a party, affectation of singularity, lamentable dullness,
mistaken zeal, or studied hypocrisy, can have the least reasonable
objection against this excellent moral performance of the celebrated Mr.
Gay.
[Footnote 1: See title in note above, p. 313. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 2: "He will go among the people, and will draw a crowd
together." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 3: Gay's "The Beggar's Opera" was produced by Rich at the
Theatre Royal in Lincoln's Inn Fields, January 29th, 1727/8, and
published in book form in 1728. It was shortly afterwards performed in
Dublin, Bath, and other places. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 4: Writing to Pope, May 10th, 1728, Swift says: "Mr. Gay's
Opera has been acted here twenty times, and my lord lieutenant tells me
it is very well performed; he has seen it often, and approves it much....
'The Beggar's Opera' has done its task, _discedat uti conviva satur_"
(Scott's edition, xvii. 188-9). [T.S.]]
[Footnote 5: In his essay "Of Poetry," Sir William Temple, writing of
dramatic poetry, says: "Yet I am deceived, if our English has not in some
kind excelled both the modern and the ancient, which has been by force of
a vein natural perhaps to our country, and which with us is called
humour, a word peculiar to our language too, and hard to be expressed
in any other;" etc.--"Works," vol. i., p. 247 (1720). [T.S.]]
[Footnote 6: "Le Théâtre Italian, ou le Recueil de toutes les Comédies et
Scènes Françoises, qui out été jouées sur le Théâtre Italian." The
collection was edited by Evariste Gherardi, and published in 1695. Two
further volumes were issued in 1698, the third containing complete
plays. The collection was afterwards extended to six volumes. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 7: A modern writer says of it: "It bristles with keen,
well-pointed satire on the corrupt and venal politicians and courtiers of
the day" (W.H. Husk in Grove's "Dict. of Music").[T.S.]]
[Footnote 8: In the character of Robin of Bagshot Gay intended Sir Robert
Walpole.[T.S.]]
[Footnote 9: Gay's "Fables" was first published in 1727, with a
dedication "To his Highness William Duke of Cumberland." The Fables are
said to have been "invented for his amusement." Cumberland was the second
son of George, Prince of Wales, and was afterwards known as "the
butcher."[T.S.]]
[Footnote 10: Dr. Thomas Herring, preacher at Lincoln's Inn, and
afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, preached a sermon against "The
Beggar's Opera" in March, 1727-8. It is referred to in a letter to the
"Whitehall Evening Post," dated March 30th, 1728, reprinted in the
Appendix to "Letters from Dr. T. Herring to W. Duncombe," 1777. As
Archbishop of York, Herring interested himself greatly, during the
rebellion of 1745, in forming an association for the defence of the
liberties of the people and the constitution of the country. Writing to
Swift, under date May 16th, 1728, Gay remarks: "I suppose you must have
heard, that I had the honour to have had a sermon preached against my
works by a court-chaplain, which I look upon as no small addition to my
fame" (Scott, xvii. 194). [T.S.]]
[Footnote 11: The edition of 1729 has "those common robbers of the
public." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 12: Peachum says: "Can it be expected that we should hang our
acquaintance for nothing, when our betters will hardly save theirs
without being paid for it?"--Act II., sc. x. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 13: The rivalry between Handel and the Italian composers had
then been keen for nearly twenty years. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 14: The edition of 1729 has "the fore-runner." [T.S.]]
THE INTELLIGENCER, NUMB. XIX[1].
_Having on the 12th of October last, received a letter signed_ ANDREW
DEALER, _and_ PATRICK PENNYLESS; _I believe the following_ PAPER, _just
come to my hands, will be a sufficient answer to it[2]._
_Sic vos non vobis vellera fertis oves._
VlRG.[3]
SIR,
I am a country gentleman, and a Member of Parliament, with an estate of
about 1400_l_. a year, which as a Northern landlord, I receive from above
two hundred tenants, and my lands having been let, near twenty years ago,
the rents, till very lately, were esteemed to be not above half value;
yet by the intolerable scarcity of silver[4], I lie under the greatest
difficulties in receiving them, as well as in paying my labourers, or
buying any thing necessary for my family from tradesmen, who are not able
to be long out of their money. But the sufferings of me, and those of my
rank, are trifles in comparison, of what the meaner sort undergo; such as
the buyers and sellers, at fairs, and markets; the shopkeepers in every
town, the farmers in general. All those who travel with fish, poultry,
pedlary-ware, and other conveniencies to sell: But more especially
handicrafts-men, who work for us by the day, and common labourers, whom I
have already mentioned. Both these kinds of people, I am forced to
employ, till their wages amount to a double pistole,[5] or a moidore,
(for we hardly have any gold of lower value left among us) to divide it
among themselves as they can; and this is generally done at an ale-house
or brandy shop; where, besides the cost of getting drunk, (which is
usually the case) they must pay tenpence or a shilling, for changing
their piece into silver, to some huckstering fellow, who follows that
trade. But what is infinitely worse, those poor men for want of due
payment, are forced to take up their oatmeal, and other necessaries of
life, at almost double value, and consequently are not able, to discharge
half their score, especially under the scarceness of corn, for two years
past, and the melancholy disappointment of the present crop.
The causes of this, and a thousand other evils, are clear and manifest to
you and all other thinking men, though hidden from the vulgar: these
indeed complain of hard times, the dearth of corn, the want of money, the
badness of seasons; that their goods bear no price, and the poor cannot
find work; but their weak reasonings never carry them to the hatred, and
contempt, borne us by our neighbours, and brethren, without the least
grounds of provocation, who rejoice at our sufferings, although sometimes
to their own disadvantage; of the dead weight upon every beneficial
branch of our trade;[6] of half our revenues sent annually to England,
and many other grievances peculiar to this unhappy kingdom, excepted for
our sins, which keep us from enjoying the common benefits of mankind, as
you and some other lovers of their country, have so often observed, with
such good inclinations, and so little effect.
It is true indeed, that under our circumstances in general, this
complaint for the want of silver, may appear as ridiculous, as for a man
to be impatient, about a cut finger, when he is struck with the plague;
and yet a poor fellow going to the gallows, may be allowed to feel the
smart of wasps, while he is upon Tyburn Road. This misfortune is too
urging,[7] and vexatious in every kind of small traffic, and so hourly
pressing upon all persons in the country whatsoever, that a hundred
inconveniences, of perhaps greater moment in themselves, have been
timely[8] submitted to, with far less disquietude and murmurs. And the
case seems yet the harder, if it be true, what many skilful men assert,
that nothing is more easy, than a remedy; and, that the want of silver,
in proportion to the little gold remaining among us, is altogether as
unnecessary, as it is inconvenient. A person of distinction assured me
very lately, that, in discoursing with the lord lieutenant,[9] before his
last return to England, his excellency said, "He had pressed the matter
often, in proper time and place, and to proper persons; and could not see
any difficulty of the least moment, that could prevent us from being easy
upon that article."[10]
Whoever carries to England, twenty-seven English shillings, and brings
back one moidore, of full weight, is a gainer of ninepence Irish; in a
guinea, the advantage is threepence, and twopence in a pistole. The
BANKERS, who are generally masters of all our gold, and silver, with this
advantage, have sent over as much of the latter, as came into their
hands. The value of one thousand moidores in silver, would thus amount in
clear profit, to 37_l_. 10,_s_. The shopkeepers, and other traders, who
go to London to buy goods, followed the same practice, by which we have
been driven into this insupportable distress.
To a common thinker, it should seem, that nothing would be more easy,
than for the government to redress this evil, at any time they shall
please. When the value of guineas was lowered in England, from 21_s_.
6_d_. to only 21_s_.[11] the consequences to this kingdom, were obvious,
and manifest to us all; and a sober man, may be allowed at least to
wonder, though he dare not complain, why a new regulation of coin among
us, was not then made; much more, why it hath never been since. It would
surely require no very profound skill in algebra, to reduce the
difference of ninepence in thirty shillings, or threepence in a guinea,
to less than a farthing; and so small a fraction could be no temptation,
either to bankers, to hazard their silver at sea, or tradesmen to load
themselves with it, in their journeys to England. In my humble opinion,
it would be no unseasonable condescension, if the government would
graciously please, to signify to the poor loyal Protestant subjects of
Ireland, either that this miserable want of silver, is not possible to be
remedied in any degree, by the nicest skill in arithmetic; or else, that
it doth not stand with the good pleasure of England, to suffer any silver
at all among us. In the former case, it would be madness, to expect
impossibilities: and in the other, we must submit: For, lives, and
fortunes are always at the mercy of the CONQUEROR.
The question hath been often put in printed papers, by the DRAPIER,[12]
and others, or perhaps by the same WRITER, under different styles, why
this kingdom should not be permitted to have a mint of its own, for the
coinage of gold, silver, and copper, which is a power exercised by many
bishops, and every petty prince in Germany. But this question hath never
been answered, nor the least application that I have heard of, made to
the Crown from hence, for the grant of a public mint, although it stands
upon record, that several cities, and corporations here, had the liberty
of coining silver. I can see no reasons, why we alone of all nations, are
thus restrained, but such as I dare not mention; only thus far, I may
venture, that Ireland is the first imperial kingdom, since Nimrod, which
ever wanted power, to coin their own money.
I know very well, that in England it is lawful for any subject, to
petition either the Prince, or the Parliament, provided it be done in a
dutiful, and regular manner; but what is lawful for a subject of Ireland,
I profess I cannot determine; nor will undertake, that your printer shall
not be prosecuted, in a court of justice, for publishing my wishes, that
a poor shopkeeper might be able to change a guinea, or a moidore, when a
customer comes for a crown's worth of goods. I have known less crimes
punished with the utmost severity, under the title of disaffection: And,
I cannot but approve the wisdom of the ancients, who, after Astraea had
fled from the earth,[13] at least took care to provide three upright
judges for Hell. Men's ears among us, are indeed grown so nice, that
whoever happens to think out of fashion, in what relates to the welfare
of this kingdom, dare not so much as complain of the toothache, lest our
weak and busy dabblers in politic should be ready to swear against him
for disaffection.
There was a method practised by Sir Ambrose Crawley,[14] the great dealer
in iron-works, which I wonder the gentlemen o£ our country, under this
great exigence, have not thought fit to imitate. In the several towns,
and villages, where he dealt, and many miles round, he gave notes,
instead of money, from twopence, to twenty shillings, which passed
current in all shops, and markets, as well as in houses, where meat, or
drink was sold. I see no reason, why the like practice, may not be
introduced among us, with some degree of success, or at least may not
serve, as a poor expedient, in this our blessed age of paper, which, as
it dischargeth all our greatest payments, may be equally useful in the
smaller, and may just keep us alive, till an English Act of Parliament
shall forbid it.
I have been told, that among some of our poorest American colonies, upon
the continent, the people enjoy the liberty of cutting the little money
among them into halves, and quarters, for the conveniences of small
traffic. How happy should we be in comparison of our present condition,
if the like privilege, were granted to us, of employing the shears, for
want of a mint, upon our foreign gold; by clipping it into half-crowns,
and shillings, and even lower denominations; for beggars must be content
to live upon scraps; and it would be our felicity, that these scraps
would never[15] be exported to other countries, while any thing better
was left.
If neither of these projects will avail, I see nothing left us, but to
truck and barter our goods, like the wild Indians, with each other, or
with our too powerful neighbours; only with this disadvantage on our
side, that the Indians enjoy the product of their own land, whereas the
better half of ours is sent away without so much as a recompense in
bugles, or glass, in return.
It must needs be a very comfortable circumstance, in the present
juncture, that some thousand families are gone, or going, or preparing to
go, from hence, and settle themselves in America. The poorer sort, for
want of work; the farmers whose beneficial bargains, are now become a
rack-rent, too hard to be borne. And those who have any ready money,
or can purchase any, by the sale of their goods, or leases; because they
find their fortunes hourly decaying; that their goods will bear no price,
and that few or none, have any money to buy the very necessaries of life,
are hastening to follow their departed neighbours. It is true, corn among
us, carries a very high price; but it is for the same reason, that rats,
and cats, and dead horses, have been often bought for gold, in a town
besieged.
There is a person of quality in my neighbourhood, who twenty years ago,
when he was just come to age, being unexperienced, and of a generous
temper, let his lands, even as times went then, at a low rate, to able
tenants, and consequently by the rise of land, since that time, looked
upon his estate, to be set at half value. But numbers of these tenants,
or their descendants are now offering to sell their leases by cant, even
those which were for lives, some of them renewable for ever, and some
fee-farms, which the landlord himself hath bought in, at half the price
they would have yielded seven years ago. And some leases let at the same
time, for lives, have been given up to him, without any consideration at
all.
This is the most favourable face of things at present among us, I say,
among us of the North, who are esteemed the only thriving people of the
kingdom: And how far, and how soon, this misery and desolation may
spread, is easy to foresee.
The vast sums of money daily carried off, by our numerous adventurers to
America, have deprived us of our gold in these parts, almost as much as
of our silver.
And the good wives who came[16] to our houses, offer us their pieces of
linen, upon which their whole dependence lies, for so little profit, that
it can neither half pay their rents, nor half support their families.
It is remarkable, that this enthusiasm spread among our northern people,
of sheltering themselves in the continent of America, hath no other
foundation, than their present insupportable condition at home. I have
made all possible inquiries, to learn what encouragement our people have
met with, by any intelligence from those plantations, sufficient to make
them undertake so tedious, and hazardous a voyage in all seasons of the
year; and so ill accommodated in their ships, that many of them have died
miserably in their passage; but, could never get one satisfactory answer.
Somebody, they know not who, had written a letter to his friend, or
cousin, from thence, inviting him by all means, to come over; that it was
a fine fruitful country, and to be held for ever, at a penny an acre. But
the truth of the fact is this, The English established in those colonies,
are in great want of men to inhabit that tract of ground, which lies
between them, and the wild Indians, who are not reduced under their
dominion. We read of some barbarous people, whom the Romans placed in
their armies, for no other service, than to blunt their enemies' swords,
and afterwards to fill up trenches with their dead bodies. And thus our
people who transport themselves, are settled in those interjacent tracts,
as a screen against the insults of the savages, and many have as much
land, as they can clear from the woods, at a very reasonable rate, if
they can afford to pay about a hundred years' purchase by their labour.
Now beside the fox's reasons which inclines all those, who have already
ventured thither, to represent everything, in a false light, as well for
justifying their own conduct, as for getting companions, in their misery;
so, the governing people in those plantations, have wisely provided,[17]
that no letters shall be suffered to pass from thence hither, without
being first viewed by the council, by which our people here, are wholly
deceived in the opinions, they have of the happy condition of their
friends, gone before them. This was accidentally discovered some months
ago, by an honest man who having transported himself, and family thither,
and finding all things directly contrary to his hope, had the luck to
convey a private note, by a faithful hand, to his relation here,
entreating him, not to think of such a voyage, and to discourage all his
friends from attempting it. Yet this, although it be a truth well known,
hath produced very little effects; which is no manner of wonder, for as
it is natural to a man in a fever to turn often, although without any
hope of ease, or when he is pursued to leap down a precipice, to avoid an
enemy just at his back; so, men in the extremest degree of misery, and
want, will naturally fly to the first appearance of relief, let it be
ever so vain, or visionary.
You may observe, that I have very superficially touched the subject I
began with, and with the utmost caution: for I know how criminal the
least complaint hath been thought, however seasonable or just, or
honestly intended, which hath forced me to offer up my daily prayers,
that it may never, at least in my time, be interpreted by innuendoes as a
false scandalous, seditious, and disaffected action, for a man to roar
under an acute fit of the gout, which beside the loss and the danger,
would be very inconvenient to one of my age, so severely afflicted with
that distemper.
I wish you good success, but I can promise you little, in an ungrateful
office you have taken up, without the least view, either to reputation or
profit. Perhaps your comfort is, that none but villains, and betrayers of
their country, can be your enemies. Upon which, I have little to say,
having not the honour, to be acquainted with many of that sort, and
therefore, as you easily may believe, am compelled to lead a very retired
life.
I am Sir,
Your most obedient,
Humble servant,
A. NORTH.
County of Down,
Dec. 2d. 1728.
[Footnote 1: See title for this in note above to No. 1, p. 313. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 2: No. 19 of "The Intelligencer" is a reprint of a tract which
I have not been able to find. It appeared again in 1736 under the title:
"A Letter from the Revd. J.S.D.S.P.D. to a Country Gentleman in the
North of Ireland."[T.S.]]
[Footnote 3: "Apud Donati Vitam," 17:
"Thus do ye sheep grow fleeces for others."--W.F.H. KING.
[T.S.]]
[Footnote 4: Writing to Dr. Sheridan, under date September 18th, 1728,
Swift says: "I think the sufferings of the country for want of silver
deserves a paper, since the remedy is so easy, and those in power so
negligent" (Scott, xvii. 204). [T.S.]]
[Footnote 5: The price of the pistole in Ireland was fixed at 18_s_.
6_d_., the double pistole at _£_1 17_s_., and the moidore _£_1 10_s_.
These prices were fixed by order of the Lords Justices, July 30th, 1712.
In 1737 the moidore was reduced to _£_1 9_s_. 3_d_. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 6: "A Letter," etc., referred to in note on preceding page,
has: "They consider not the dead weight upon every beneficial branch of
our trade; that half our revenues are annually sent to England; with
many other grievances peculiar to this unhappy kingdom; which keep
us," etc. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 7: The 1736 edition of "A Letter," etc., has "is so urging."
[T.S.]]
[Footnote 8: The 1736 edition of "A Letter," etc., has "tamely."
[T.S.]]
[Footnote 9: John Carteret (1690-1763) succeeded his father as second
Baron Carteret in 1695, and his mother as Earl Granville in 1744. He was
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland from 1724 to 1730. See Swift's "Vindication
of ... Lord Carteret" in vol. vi. of present edition. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 10: "A Letter," etc. (1736 edition), has "being made easy upon
this article." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 11: On December 22nd, 1717, the price of the guinea was
reduced, by a proclamation, from 21_s_. 6_d_. to 21_s_. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 12: See vol. vii. of present edition of Swift's Works, dealing
with the Drapier Letters. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 13: Astraea withdrew from the earth at the close of the Golden
Age. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 14: Sir Ambrose Crowley (or Crawley), Liveryman of the
Drapers' Company and Alderman for Dowgate Ward, sat in Parliament for
Andover in 1713. He was satirized in "The Spectator" (No. 299,
February 12th, 1711/2) as Sir John Enville, and in "The Tatler" (No.
73, September 27th, 1709) as Sir Arthur de Bradley. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 15: "A Letter," etc. (1736), has "could never." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 16: The reprint of 1730, and "A Letter," etc. (1736), have "who
come." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 17: "A Letter," etc. (1736), has: "The governing people in
those plantations, have also wisely provided," etc. [T.S.]]
INDEX.
ALMANZA, battle of
Anne, Queen, her change of ministry in 1710;
and the Church;
establishment of Queen Anne's bounty;
letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
Aretino, Pietro.
Army, essays on the.
Asgill, John.
Astell, Mrs. Mary.
Atterbury, Bishop, his character in "The Tatler";
contributes to "The Examiner";
his influence in Convocation.
Avarice, essay on.
Bank, the, in the Whig interest.
"Banks, Sir Jacob, Letter to".
Bickerstaff, Isaac, Steele's pseudonym.
Birth, value of.
Boyer, Abel.
Boyle, Henry.
Bromley, Clobery.
Bromley, William, speaker;
"Congratulatory Speech of".
Buckingham, George Villiers, Duke of, assassination of.
Buckingham and Normanby, John, Duke of.
Burgess, Daniel.
Burnet, Bishop.
Caesar, Julius.
Calves-Head Club, the.
Carew, John, speech at the execution of.
Carteret, Lord.
Chamber of Fame.
Charles V. and Aretino.
Church, the, resolution in Parliament as to the state of;;
essay on
answer to essay on;
the Whigs and.
Churches, scheme for building new.
Clément, Jacques.
Clendon, John.
Coffee-houses, signification of the.
Coin, clipping of.
Coligny, Admiral de, assassination of.
Collins, Anthony.
Coningsby, Mrs.
Court of Alienation.
Coward, William.
Cowper, Earl.
Crackanthorpe, Mrs.
Crassus, Marcus, the Duke of Marlborough attacked under the name of.
Crawley, Sir Ambrose.
D'Ancre, Maréchal.
Daniel, Samuel.
Dartmouth, Lord.
Davila.
Defoe, Daniel, edited "The Review".
Devonshire, William, 2nd Duke of.
Dissenters, the,
under James II.;
essay on;
Whigs and.
Dodwell, Henry.
Dyet, Richard.
Eloquence, essay on;
further references to,
Elstob, Mrs. Elizabeth.
English tongue, corruption of the.
Eumenes.
"Examiner, The," establishment of.
"Examiner, Letter to the."
Faction,
fable of;
true characteristics of.
Felton, John.
"Female Tatler, The".
Ford, James.
Freind, Dr.
"French King's Thanks to the Tories of Great Britain, The".
Furnese, Sir Henry.
Gay, John,
on "The Examiner";
vindication of his "Beggar's Opera";
his fables.
George, Prince, of Denmark.
Gertruydenberg, treaty of.
Godolphin, Lord, his change of politics;
dismissal of;
nicknamed "Volpone";
his intrigues against Harley;
as "Gracchus";
devoted to the turf;
ministry of.
Good manners, essay on.
Greenshields, Rev. James.
Gregg, William.
Guiscard, Marquis de;
account of.
Guise, Dukes of, assassination of,.
Harcourt, Sir Simon.
Hare, Dr. Francis.
Harley, Robert, attempted assassination of;
made Earl of Oxford;
the Speaker's congratulation on his escape;
his scheme for securing debts;
his remission of first-fruits to the Irish Clergy.
Harley, Thomas,
Harrison, William, contributed to "The Tatler";
new issue of "The Tatler" by.
Hastings, Lady Elizabeth.
Henry III, of France, assassination of.
Henry IV. of France, assassination of.
Herring, Dr. Thomas.
Hickes, George.
Honeywood, General, superseded.
Hooker, Richard.
Indemnity, Act of (1708).
Indian Kings, the, in London.
"Intelligencer, The".
Ireland, scarcity of silver in.
Isaac, Mr., a dancing-master.
Italian music, the taste for.
James II., King, and the Dissenters;
and the Whigs.
Kent, Duke of.
Learning, Bill for the Encouragement of.
Lechmere, Nicholas.
Leeds, Duke of.
Leslie, Rev. Charles.
"Lewis, Erasmus, The Vindication of".
Lions, dream of the.
Lorrain, Paul.
Louis XIV.
Macartney, General, superseded.
Madonella.
"Management of the War, The," pamphlets by Dr. Hare.
Manley, Mrs., attacked as "Madonella";
her "Memoirs of Europe".
Marlborough, Duke of
the Treaty of Gertruydenberg;
his change of politics;
rewards and grants to;
his intrigues against Harley;
his proposal to be made Commander-in-chief for life;
attacked by Swift under the name of "Crassus";
charged with peculations with regard to bread contracts;
threatened resignation of in 1708.
Marlborough, Duchess of.
Masham, Mrs.
Matveof, Muscovite Ambassador, arrest of.
Medina, Sir Solomon de, and the Duke of Marlborough.
"Medley, The," attack by Swift on;
and see notes to "The Examiner," _passim_
Ménage, Gilles.
Meredith, General, superseded.
Merit, genealogy and description of.
Milton, John.
Ministry, reasons for the change of;
"Mob," Swift's dislike of the word.
More, Henry.
Morphew, the publisher.
Naturalization Act.
Naunton, Sir Robert.
Nevis.
Norris, John.
Nottingham, Earl of.
"Observator, The".
Occasional Conformity Bill, the.
October Club, the.
Oldisworth, William;
revival of "The Examiner" by.
Osborne, Francis.
Oxford University, decree of.
Palatines, the.
Parsons, Robert.
Partridge, John.
Passive obedience, doctrine of;
according to the Whigs;
according to the Tories;
Peace, Address to the Queen concerning (1707).
People, madness of the.
Peterborough, Earl of, letter from Swift to.
Petty, Sir William.
Platonic ladies.
Political Lying, the Art of.
"Political State of Great Britain, The"
Popery, the Tories and.
Pretender, the, party capital made out of;
and the Whigs.
Prior, Matthew, contributes to "The Examiner";
stated to be the author of "The Examiner".
