The critical moment had arrived. The centre of William's army was in
confusion. Their leaders, Schomberg and Caillemotte, were killed. The
men were waiting for orders. They were exposed to the galling fire of
the Irish infantry and cavalry. King James was in the rear on the hill
of Dunmore surrounded by his French body-guard. He was looking down
upon the field of battle, viewing now here, now there. It is even said
that when he saw the Irish dragoons routing the cavalry and riding
down the broken infantry of William, he exclaimed, "Spare! oh, spare
my English subjects!"

The firing had now lasted uninterruptedly for more than an hour, when
William seized the opportunity of turning the tide of battle against
his spiritless adversary. Putting himself at the head of the left
wing, he crossed the Boyne by a dangerous and difficult ford a little
lower down the river; his cavalry for the most part swimming across
the tide. The ford had been left unguarded, and the whole soon reached
the opposite bank in safety. But even there the horse which William
rode sank in a bog, and he was forced to alight until the horse was
got out. He was helped to remount, for the wound in his shoulder was
very painful. So soon as the troops were got into sufficient order,
William drew his sword, though his wound made it uneasy for him to
wield it. He then marched on towards the enemy.

When the Irish saw themselves menaced by William's left wing, they
halted, and retired towards Dunmore. But gaining courage, they faced
about and fell upon the English horse. They gave way. The King then
rode up to the Enniskilleners, and asked, "What they would do for
him?" Not knowing him, the men were about to shoot him, thinking him
to be one of the enemy. But when their chief officer told them that it
was the King who wanted their help, they at once declared their
intention of following him. They marched forward and received the
enemy's fire. The Dutch troops came up, at the head of whom William
placed himself. "In this place," says Rapin, "Duke Schomberg's
regiment of horse, composed of French Protestants, and strengthened by
an unusual number of officers, behaved with undaunted resolution, like
men who fought for a nation amongst whom themselves and their friends
had found shelter against the persecution of France."

Ginckel's troops now arrived on the scene; but they were overpowered
by the Irish horse, and forced to give way. Sir Albert Cunningham's
and Colonel Levison's dragoons then came up, and enabled Ginckel's
troops to rally; and the Irish were driven up the hill, after an
hour's hard fighting. James's lieutenant-general, Hamilton, was taken
prisoner and brought before the King. He was asked "Whether the Irish
would fight any more?" "Yes," he answered; "upon my honour I believe
they will." The Irish slowly gave way, their dragoons charging again
and again, to cover the retreat of the foot. At Dunmore they made a
gallant stand, driving back the troops of William several times. The
farmstead of Sheephouse was taken and retaken again and again.

At last the Irish troops slowly retreated up the hill. The French
troops had scarcely been engaged. Sarsfield implored James to put
himself at their head, and make a last fight for his crown. Six
thousand fresh men coming into action, when the army of William was
exhausted by fatigue, might have changed the fortune of the day. But
James would not face the enemy. He put himself at the head of the
French troops and Sarsfield's regiment--the first occasion on which he
had led during the day--and set out for Dublin, leaving the rest of
his army to shift for themselves.

The Irish army now poured through the Pass of Duleek. They were
pursued by Count Schomberg at the head of the left wing of William's
army. The pursuit lasted several miles beyond the village of Duleek,
when the Count was recalled by express orders of the King. The Irish
army retreated in good order, and they reached Dublin in safety. James
was the first to carry thither the news of his defeat. On reaching
Dublin Castle, he was received by Lady Tyrconnel, the wife of the
Viceroy. "Madam," said he, "your countrymen can run well." "Not quite
so well as your Majesty," was her retort, "for I see that you have won
the race."

The opinion of the Irish soldiers may be understood from their saying,
after their defeat, "Change generals, and we will fight the battle
over again." "James had no royal quality about him," says an able
Catholic historian; "nature had made him a coward, a monk, and a
gourmand; and, in spite of the freak of fortune that had placed him on
a throne, and seemed inclined to keep him there, she vindicated her
authority, and dropped him ultimately in the niche that suited him--

  'The meanest slave of France's despot lord.'"

William halted on the field that James had occupied in the morning.
The troops remained under arms all night. The loss of life was not so
great as was expected. On William's side not more than four hundred
men were killed; but amongst them were Duke Schomberg, Colonel
Caillemotte, and Dr. George Walker, the defender of Derry. "King
James's whole loss in this battle," says Rapin, "was generally
computed at fifteen hundred men, amongst whom were the Lord Dungan,
the Lord Carlingford, Sir Neil O'Neil, Colonel Fitzgerald, the Marquis
d'Hocquincourt, and several prisoners, the chief of whom was
Lieutenant-General Hamilton, who, to do him justice, behaved with
great courage, and kept the victory doubtful, until he was taken
prisoner."

On the following day Drogheda surrendered without resistance. The
garrison laid down their arms, and departed for Athlone. James stayed
at Dublin for a night, and on the following morning he started for
Waterford, causing the bridges to be broken down behind him, for fear
of being pursued by the allied forces. He then embarked on a
ship-of-war, and was again conveyed to France.

William's army proceeded slowly to Dublin. The Duke of Ormond entered
the city two days after the battle of the Boyne, at the head of nine
troops of horse. On the next day the King, with his whole army,
marched to Finglas, in the neighbourhood of Dublin; and on the 6th of
July he entered the city, and proceeded to St. Patrick's Church, to
return thanks for his victory.

The whole of the Irish army proceeded towards Athlone and Limerick,
intending to carry on the war behind the Shannon. William sent a body
of his troops, under Lieutenant-General Douglas, to Athlone, while he
himself proceeded to reduce and occupy the towns of the South. Rapin
followed his leader, and hence his next appearance at the siege of
Athlone.

Rapin conducted himself throughout the Irish campaign as a true soldier.
He was attentive, accurate, skilful, and brave. He did the work he had
to do without any fuss; but he _did_ it. Lieutenant-General Douglas,
under whom he served, soon ascertained his merits, saw through his
character, and became much attached to him. He promoted him to the rank
of aide-de-camp, so that he might have this able Frenchman continually
about his person.

Douglas proceeded westward, with six regiments of horse and ten of
foot, to reduce Athlone. But the place was by far too strong for so
small a force to besiege, and still less to take it. Athlone had
always been a stronghold. For centuries the bridge and castle had
formed the great highway into Connaught. The Irish town is defended on
the eastern side by the Shannon, a deep and wide river, almost
impossible to pass in the face of a hostile army.

Douglas summoned the Irish garrison to surrender. Colonel Richard
Grace, the gallant old governor, returned a passionate defiance.
"These are my terms," he said, discharging a pistol at the messenger:
"when my provisions are consumed, I will defend my trust until I have
eaten my boots."

Abandoning as indefensible the English part of the town, situated on
the east side of the Shannon, Grace set fire to it, and retired with
all his forces to the western side, blowing up an arch of the bridge
behind him. The English then brought up the few cannon they had with
them, and commenced battering the walls. The Irish had more cannon,
and defended themselves with vigour. The besiegers made a breach in
the castle, but it was too high and too small for an assault.
"Notwithstanding this," says Rapin, "the firing continued very brisk
on both sides; but the besiegers having lost Mr. Neilson, their best
gunner, and the cavalry suffering very much for want of forage; and at
the same time it being reported that Sarsfield was advancing with
fifteen thousand men to relieve the place, Douglas held a council of
war, wherein it was thought fit to raise the siege, which he
accordingly did on the 25th, having lost near four hundred men before
the town, the greatest part of whom died of sickness."

Thus, after a week's ineffectual siege, Douglas left Athlone, and made
all haste to rejoin the army of William, which had already reduced the
most important towns in the south of Ireland. On the 7th of August he
rejoined William at Cahirconlish, a few miles west of Limerick. The
flower of the Irish army was assembled at Limerick. The Duke of
Berwick and General Sarsfield occupied the city with their forces. The
French general, Boileau, commanded the garrison. The besieged were
almost as numerous as the besiegers. William, by garrisoning the towns
of which he took possession, had reduced his forces to about twenty
thousand men.

Limerick was fortified by walls, batteries, and ramparts. It was also
defended by a castle and citadel. It had always been a place of great
strength. The chivalry of the Anglo-Norman monarch, the Ironsides of
Cromwell, had been defeated under its walls; and now the victorious
army of William III. was destined to meet with a similar repulse.

Limerick is situated in an extensive plain, watered by the noble
Shannon. The river surrounds the town on three sides. Like Athlone,
the city is divided into the English and Irish towns, connected
together by a bridge. The English town was much the strongest. It was
built upon an island, surrounded by morasses, which could at any time
be flooded on the approach of an enemy. The town was well supplied
with provisions--all Clare and Galway being open to it, from whence
it could draw supplies.

Notwithstanding the strength of the fortress, William resolved to
besiege it. He was ill supplied with cannon, having left his heavy
artillery at Dublin. He had only a field train with him, which was
quite insufficient for his purpose. William's advance-guards drove the
Irish outposts before them; the pioneers cutting down the hedges and
filling up the ditches, until they came to a narrow pass between two
bogs, where a considerable body of Irish horse and foot were assembled
to dispute the pass.

Two field-pieces were brought up, which played with such effect upon
the Irish horse that they soon quitted their post. At the same time
Colonel Earle, at the head of the English foot, attacked the Irish who
were firing through the hedges, so that they also retired after two
hours' fighting. The Irish were driven to the town walls, and
William's forces took possession of two important positions,
Cromwell's fort and the old Chapel. The Danes also occupied an old
Danish fort, built by their ancestors, of which they were not a little
proud.

The army being thus posted, a trumpeter was sent, on the 9th of
August, to summon the garrison to surrender. General Boileau answered,
that he intended to make a vigorous defence of the town with which his
Majesty had intrusted him. In the meantime, William had ordered up his
train of artillery from Dublin. They were on their way to join him,
when a spy from William's camp went over to the enemy, and informed
them of the route, the motions, and the strength of the convoy.
Sarsfield at once set out with a strong body of horse. He passed the
Shannon in the night, nine miles above Limerick, lurked all day in
the mountains near Ballyneety, and waited for the approach of the
convoy.

The men of William's artillery, seeing no enemy, turned out their
horses to graze, and went to sleep in the full sense of security.
Sarsfield's body of horse came down upon them, slew or dispersed the
convoy, and took possession of the cannon. Sarsfield could not,
however, take the prizes into Limerick. He therefore endeavoured to
destroy them. Cramming the guns with powder up to their muzzles, and
burying their mouths deep in the earth, then piling the stores,
waggons, carriages, and baggage over them, he laid a train and fired
it, just as Sir John Lanier, with a body of cavalry, was arriving to
rescue the convoy. The explosion was tremendous, and was heard at the
camp of William, more than seven miles off. Sarsfield's troops
returned to Limerick in triumph.

Notwithstanding these grievous discouragements, William resolved to
persevere. He recovered two of the guns, which remained uninjured. He
obtained others from Waterford. The trenches were opened on the 17th
of August. A battery was raised below the fort to the right of the
trenches. Firing went on on both sides. Several redoubts were taken.
By the 25th, the trenches were advanced to within thirty paces of the
ditch near St. John's Gate, and a breach was made in the walls about
twelve yards wide.

The assault was ordered to take place on the 27th. The English
grenadiers took the lead, supported by a hundred French officers and
volunteers. The enemy were dislodged from the covered way and the two
forts which guarded the breach on each side. The assailants entered
the breach, but they were not sufficiently supported. The Irish
rallied. They returned to the charge, helped by the women, who pelted
the besiegers with stones, broken bottles, and such other missiles as
came readily to hand. A Brandenburg regiment having assailed and taken
the Black Battery, it was blown up by an explosion, which killed many
of the men. In fine, the assault was vigorously repulsed; and
William's troops retreated to the main body, with a loss of six
hundred men killed on the spot and as many mortally wounded.

Rapin was severely wounded. A musket shot hit him in the shoulder, and
completely disabled him. His brother Solomon was also wounded. His
younger brother fell dead by his side. They belonged to the "forlorn
hope," and were volunteers in the assault on the breach. Rapin was
raised to the rank of captain.

The siege of Limerick was at once raised. The heavy baggage and cannon
were sent away on the 30th of August, and the next day the army
decamped and marched towards Clonmel. The King intrusted the command
of his army to Lieutenant-General Ginckel, and set sail for England
from Duncannon Fort, near Waterford, on the 5th of September.

The campaign was not yet over. The Earl of Marlborough landed near
Cork with four thousand men. Reinforced by four thousand Danes and
French Huguenots, he shortly succeeded in taking the fortified towns
of Cork and Kinsale. After garrisoning these places the Earl returned
to England.

General Ginckel went into winter quarters at Mullingar, in Westmeath.
The French troops, under command of Count Lauzun, went into Galway.
Lauzun shortly after returned to France, and St. Ruth was sent over to
take command of the French and Irish army. But they hung about Galway
doing nothing. In the meantime Ginckel was carefully preparing for the
renewal of the campaign. He was reinforced by an excellent body of
troops from Scotland, commanded by General Mackay. He was also well
supplied, through the vigilance of William, with all the necessaries
of war.

Rapin's friend, Colonel Lord Douglas, pressed him to accompany him to
Flanders as his aide-de-camp; but the wound in his shoulder still
caused him great pain, and he was forced to decline the appointment.
Strange to say, his uncle Pélisson--the converter, or rather the
buyer, of so many Romish converts in France--sent him a present of
fifty pistoles through his cousin M. de la Bastide, which consoled him
greatly during his recovery.

General Ginckel broke up his camp at Mullingar at the beginning of
June, and marched towards Athlone. The Irish had assembled a
considerable army at Ballymore, about midway between Mullingar and
Athlone. They had also built a fort there, and intended to dispute the
passage of Ginckel's army. A sharp engagement took place when his
forces came up. The Irish were defeated, with the loss of over a
thousand prisoners and all their baggage.

Ginckel then appeared before Athlone, but the second resistance of the
besieged was much less successful than the first. St. Ruth, the French
general, treated the Irish officers and soldiers under his command
with supercilious contempt. He admitted none of their officers into
his councils. He was as ignorant of the army which he commanded as of
the country which he occupied. Nor was he a great general. He had been
principally occupied in France in hunting and hanging the poor
Protestants of Dauphiny and the Cevennes. He had never fought a
pitched battle; and his incapacity led to the defeat of the Irish at
Athlone, and afterwards at Aughrim.

St. Ruth treated his English adversaries with as much contempt as he
did his Irish followers. When he heard that the English were about to
cross the Shannon, he said "it was impossible for them to take the
town, and be so near with an army to succour it." He added that he
would give a thousand louis if they _durst_ attempt it. To which
Sarsfield retorted, "Spare your money and mind your business; for I
know that no enterprise is too difficult for British courage to
attempt."

Ginckel took possession of the English town after some resistance,
when the Irish army retreated to the other side of the Shannon.
Batteries were planted, pontoons were brought up, and the siege began
with vigour. Ginckel attempted to get possession of the bridge. One of
the arches was broken down, on the Connaught side of the river. Under
cover of a heavy fire, a party of Ginckel's men succeeded in raising a
plank-work for the purpose of spanning the broken arch. The work was
nearly completed, when a sergeant and ten bold Scots belonging to
Maxwell's Brigade on the Irish side, pushed on to the bridge; but they
were all slain. A second brave party was more successful than the
first. They succeeded in throwing all the planks and beams into the
river, only two men escaping with their lives.

Ginckel then attempted to repair the broken arch by carrying a close
gallery on the bridge, in order to fill up the gap with heavy planks.
All was ready, and an assault was ordered for next day. It was
resolved to cross the Shannon in three places--one body to cross by
the narrow ford below the bridge, another by the pontoons above it,
while the main body was to force the bridge itself. On the morning of
the intended crossing, the Irish sent a volley of grenades among the
wooden work of the bridge, when some of the fascines took fire, and
the whole fabric was soon in a blaze. The smoke blew into the faces of
the English, and it was found impossible to cross the river that day.

A council of war was held, to debate whether it was advisable to renew
the attack or to raise the siege and retreat. The cannonade had now
continued for eight days, and nothing had been gained. Some of the
officers were for withdrawing, but the majority were in favour of
making a general assault on the following day--seeing more danger in
retreating than in advancing. The Duke of Wurtemberg, Major-Generals
Mackay, Talmash, Ruvigny, Tetleau, and Colonel Cambon urged "that no
brave action could be performed without hazard; and that the attempt
was like to be attended with success." Moreover, they proffered
themselves to be the first to pass the river and attack the enemy.

The assault was therefore agreed upon. The river was then at the
lowest state at which it had been for years. Next morning, at six
o'clock--the usual hour for relieving guards--the detachments were led
down to the river. Captain Sands led the first party of sixty
grenadiers. They were supported by another strong detachment of
grenadiers and six battalions of foot. They went into the water twenty
abreast, clad in armour, and pushed across the ford a little below the
bridge. The stream was very rapid, and the passage difficult, by
reason of the great stones which lay at the bottom of the river. The
guns played over them from the batteries and covered their passage.
The grenadiers reached the other side amidst the fire and smoke of
their enemies. They held their ground and made for the bridge. Some of
them laid planks over the broken arch, and others helped at preparing
the pontoons. Thus the whole of the English army were able to cross to
the Irish side of the river. In less than half an hour they were
masters of the town. The Irish were entirely surprised. They fled in
all directions, and lost many men. The besiegers did not lose above
fifty.

St. Ruth, the Irish commander-in-chief, seemed completely idle during
the assault. It is true he ordered several detachments to drive the
English from the town after it had been taken; but, remembering that
the fortifications of Athlone, nearest to his camp, had not been
razed, and that they were now in possession of the enemy, he recalled
his troops, and decamped from before Athlone that very night. In a few
days Ginckel followed him, and inflicted on his army a terrible defeat
at the battle of Aughrim. With that, however, we have nothing to do at
present, but proceed to follow the fortunes of Rapin.

Rapin entered Athlone with his regiment, and conducted himself with
his usual valour. Ginckel remained only a few days in the place, in
order to repair the fortifications. That done, he set out in pursuit
of the enemy. He left two regiments in the castle, one of which was
that to which Rapin belonged. The soldiers, who belonged to different
nationalities, had many contentions with each other. The officers
stood upon their order of precedence. The men were disposed to
quarrel. Aided by a friend, a captain like himself, Rapin endeavoured
to pacify the men, and to bring the officers to reason. By his kind,
gentle, and conciliatory manner, he soon succeeded in restoring quiet
and mutual confidence; and during his stay at Athlone no further
disturbance occurred among the garrison.

Rapin was ordered to Kilkenny, where he had a similar opportunity of
displaying his qualities of conciliation. A quarrel had sprung up
between the chief magistrate of the town and the officers of the
garrison. Rapin interceded, and by his firmness and moderation he
reconciled all differences; and, at the same time, he gained the
respect and admiration of both the disputing parties.

By this time the second siege of Limerick had occurred. Ginckel
surrounded the city, and battered the walls and fortresses for six
weeks. The French and Irish armies at length surrendered. Fourteen
thousand Irish marched out with the honours of war. A large proportion
of them joined the army of Louis XIV., and were long after known as
"The Irish Brigade." Although they fought valiantly and honourably in
many well-known battles, they were first employed in Louis'
persecution of the Protestants in the Vaudois and Cevennes mountains.
Their first encounter was with the Camisards, under Cavalier, their
peasant leader. They gained no glory in that campaign, but a good deal
of discredit.

In the meantime Ireland had been restored to peace. After the
surrender of Limerick no further resistance was offered to the arms of
William III. A considerable body of English troops remained in Ireland
to garrison the fortresses. Rapin's regiment was stationed at Kinsale,
and there he rejoined it in 1693. He made the intimate friendship of
Sir James Waller, the governor of the town. Sir James was a man of
much intelligence, a keen observer, and an ardent student. By his
knowledge of political history, he inspired Rapin with a like taste,
and determined him at a later period in his life to undertake what was
a real want at the time, an intelligent and readable history of
England.

Rapin was suddenly recalled to England. He was required to leave his
regiment and report himself to King William. No reason was given; but
with his usual obedience to orders he at once set out. He did not
leave Ireland without regret. He was attached to his numerous Huguenot
comrades, and he hoped yet to rise to higher guides in the King's
service. By special favour he was allowed to hand over his company to
his brother Solomon, who had been wounded at the first siege of
Limerick. His brother received the promotion which he himself had
deserved, and afterwards became lieutenant-colonel of dragoons.
Rapin's fortune led him in quite another direction.

It turned out that, by the recommendation of the Earl of Galway
(formerly the Marquis de Ruvigny, another French Huguenot), he had
been recalled to London for the purpose of being appointed governor
and tutor to Lord Woodstock, son of Bentinck, Earl of Portland, one of
King William's most devoted servants. Lord Galway was consulted by the
King as to the best tutor for the son of his friend. He knew of
Rapin's valour and courage during his campaigns in Ireland; he also
knew of his discretion, his firmness, and his conciliatory manners, in
reconciling the men under his charge at Athlone and Kilkenny; and he
was also satisfied about his thoughtfulness, his delicacy of spirit,
his grace and his nobleness--for he had been bred a noble, though he
had first served as a common soldier in the army of William.

The King immediately approved the recommendation of Lord Galway. He
knew of Rapin's courage at the battle of the Boyne; and he
remembered--as every true captain does remember--the serious wound he
had received while accompanying the forlorn hope at the first siege of
Limerick. Hence the sudden recall of Rapin from Ireland. On his
arrival in London he was presented to the King, and immediately after
he entered upon his new function of conducting the education of the
future Duke of Portland.

Henry, Lord Woodstock, was then about fifteen. Being of delicate
health, he had hitherto been the object of his father's tender care,
and it was not without considerable regret that Lord Portland yielded
to the request of the King and handed over his son to the government
of M. Rapin. Though of considerable intelligence, the powers of his
heart were greater than those of his head. Thus Rapin had no
difficulty in acquiring the esteem and affection of his pupil.

Portland House was then the resort of the most eminent men of the Whig
party, through whose patriotic assistance the constitution of England
was placed in the position which it now occupies. Rapin was introduced
by Lord Woodstock to his friends. Having already mastered the English
language, he had no difficulty in understanding the conflicting
opinions of the times. He saw history developing itself before his
eyes. He heard with his ears the discussions which eventuated in Acts
of Parliament, confirming the liberties of the English people, the
liberty of speech, the liberty of writing, the liberty of doing,
within the limits of the common law.

All this was of great importance to Rapin. It prepared him for writing
his afterwards famous works, his "History of England," and his
Dissertation on the Whigs and Tories. Rapin was not only a man of
great accomplishments, but he had a remarkable aptitude for
languages. He knew French and English, as well as Italian, Spanish,
and German. He had an extraordinary memory, and a continuous
application and perseverance, which enabled him to suck the contents
of many volumes, and to bring out the facts in future years during the
preparation of his works. His memory seems to have been of the same
order as that of Lord Macaulay, who afterwards made use of his works,
and complimented his predecessor as to their value.

According to the custom of those days, the time arrived when Rapin was
required to make "the grand tour" with his pupil and friend, Lord
Woodstock. This was considered the complement of English education
amongst the highest classes. It was thought necessary that young
noblemen should come in contact with foreigners, and observe the
manners and customs of other countries besides their own; and that
thus they might acquire a sort of cosmopolitan education. Archbishop
Leighton even considered a journey of this sort as a condition of
moral perfection. He quoted the words of the Latin poet: "Homo sum, et
nihil hominem à me alienum puto."

No one could be better fitted than Rapin to accompany the young lord
on his foreign travels. They went to Holland, Germany, France, Spain,
and Italy. Rapin diligently improved himself, while instructing his
friend. He taught him the languages of the countries through which
they passed; he rendered him familiar with Greek and Latin; he
rendered him familiar with the principles of mathematics. He also
studied with him the destinies of peoples and of kings, and pointed
out to him the Divine will accomplishing itself amidst the destruction
of empires. Withal he sought to penetrate the young soul of the friend
committed to his charge with that firmness of belief and piety of
sentiment which pervaded his own.

It was while in Italy that the Earl of Portland, at the instigation of
Rapin, requested copies to be made for him of the rarest and most
precious medals in point of historic interest; and also to purchase
for him objects of ancient workmanship. Hence Rapin was able to secure
for him the _Portland Vase_, now in the British Museum, one of the
most exquisite products of Roman and Etruscan ceramic art.

In 1699, the Earl of Portland was sent by William III. as ambassador
to the court of Louis XIV., in connection with the negotiations as to
the Spanish succession. Lord Woodstock attended the embassy, and Rapin
accompanied him. They were entertained at Versailles. Persecution was
still going on in France, although about eight hundred thousand
persons had already left the country. Rapin at one time thought of
leaving Lord Woodstock for a few days, and making a rapid journey
south to visit his friends near Toulouse. But the thought of being
made a prisoner and sent to the galleys for life stayed him, and he
remained at Versailles until the return of the embassy.

Rapin remained with Lord Woodstock for thirteen years. In the meantime
he had married, at the Hague, Marie Anne Testart, a refugee from
Saint-Quentin. Jean Rou describes her as a true helpmeet for him,
young, beautiful, rich, and withal virtuous, and of the most pleasing
and gentle temper in the world. Her riches, however, were not great.
She had merely, like Rapin, rescued some portion of her heritage from
the devouring claws of her persecutors. Rapin accumulated very little
capital during his tutorship of Lord Woodstock; but to compensate him,
the King granted him a pension of £100 a year, payable by the States
of Holland, until he could secure some better income.

Rapin lived for some time at the Hague. While there he joined a
society of learned French refugees. Among them were Rotolf de la
Denèse, Basnage de Beauval, and Jean Rou, secretary to the
States-General. One of the objects of the little academy was to
translate the Psalms anew into French verse; but before the version
was completed, Rapin was under the necessity of leaving the Hague.
William III., his patron, died in 1701, when his pension was stopped.
He was promised some remunerative employment, but he was forgotten
amidst the press of applicants.

At length he removed to the little town of Wesel, on the Lower Rhine,
in the beginning of May, 1707. He had a wife and four children to
maintain, and living was much more reasonable at Wesel than at the
Hague. His wife's modest fortune enabled him to live there to the end
of his days. Wesel was also a resort of the French refugees--persons
of learning and taste, though of small means. It was at his modest
retreat at Wesel that Rapin began to arrange the immense mass of
documents which he had been accumulating during so many years,
relating to the history of England. The first work which he published
was "A Dissertation on the Origin and Nature of the English
Constitution." It met with great success, and went through many
editions, besides being translated into nearly all the continental
languages.

He next proceeded with his great work, "The History of England."
During his residence in Ireland and England, he had read with great
interest all books relating to the early history of the Government of
England. He began with, the history of England after the Norman
Conquest; but he found that he must begin at the beginning. He studied
the history of the Anglo-Saxons, but found it "like a vast forest,
where the traveller, with great difficulty, finds a few narrow paths
to guide his wandering steps. It was this, however, that inspired him
with the design of clearing this part of the English history, by
removing the rubbish, and carrying on the thread so as to give, at
least, a general knowledge of the earlier history." Then he went back
to Julius Cæsar's account of his invasion of Britain, for the purpose
of showing how the Saxons came to send troops into this country, and
now the conquest which had cost them so much was at last abandoned by
the Romans. He then proceeded, during his residence in England, with
his work of reading and writing; but when he came to the reign of
Henry II. he was about to relinquish his undertaking, when an
unexpected assistance not only induced him to continue it, but to
project a much larger history of England than he had at first
intended.

This unexpected assistance was the publication of Rymer's "Foedera,"
at the expense of the British Government. The volumes as they came out
were sent to Rapin by Le Clerc (another refugee), a friend of Lord
Halifax, who was one of the principal promoters of the publication.
This book was of infinite value to Rapin in enabling him to proceed
with his history. He prepared abstracts of seventeen volumes (now in
the Cottonian collection), to show the relation of the acts narrated
in Rymer's "Foedera" to the history of England. He was also able to
compare the facts stated by English historians with, those of the
neighbouring states, whether they were written in Latin, French,
Italian, or Spanish.

The work was accomplished with great labour. It occupied seventeen
years of Rapin's life. The work was published at intervals. The first
two volumes appeared in November, 1723. During the following year six
more volumes were published. The ninth and tenth volumes were left in
manuscript ready for the press. They ended with the coronation of
William and Mary at Westminster. Besides, he left a large number of
MSS., which were made use of by the editor of the continuation of
Rapin's history.

Rapin died at Wesel in 1725, at the age of sixty-four. His work, the
cause of his fatal illness, was almost his only pleasure. He was worn
out by hard study and sedentary confinement, and at last death came to
his rescue. He had struggled all his life against persecution; against
the difficulties of exile; against the enemy; and though he did not
die on the field of battle, he died on the breach pen in hand, in work
and duty, striving to commemorate the independence through which a
noble people had worked their way to ultimate freedom and liberty. The
following epitaph was inscribed over his grave:--

  "Ici le casque et la science,
  L'esprit vif, la solidité,
  La politesse et la sincérité
  Ont fait une heureuse alliance,
  Dont le public a profité."

The first edition of Rapin's history, consisting of ten volumes, was
published at the Hague by Rogessart. The Rev. David Durand added two
more volumes to the second edition, principally compiled from the
memoranda left by Rapin at his death. The twelfth volume concluded the
reign of William III.

The fourth edition appeared in 1733. Being originally composed and
published in French, the work was translated into English by Mr. N.
Tindal, who added numerous notes. Two editions wore published
simultaneously in London, and a third translation was published some
sixty years later. The book was attacked by the Jacobite authors, who
defended the Stuart party against the statements of the author. In
those fanatical times impartiality was nothing to them. A man must be
emphatically for the Stuarts, or against them. Yet the work of Rapin
held its ground, and it long continued to be regarded as the best
history that had up to that time been written.

The Rapin family are now scattered over the world. Some remain in
Holland, some have settled in Switzerland, some have returned to
France, but the greater number are Prussian subjects. James, the only
son of Rapin, studied at Cleves, then at Antwerp, and at thirty-one he
was appointed to the important office of Director of the French
Colonies at Stettin and Stargardt. Charles, Rapin's eldest brother,
was a captain of infantry in the service of Prussia. Two sons of Louis
de Rapin were killed in the battles of Smolensko and Leipsic.

Many of the Rapins attained high positions in the military service of
Prussia. Colonel Philip de Rapin-Thoyras was the head of the family in
Prussia. He was with the Allied Army in their war of deliverance
against France in the years 1813, 1814, and 1815. He was consequently
decorated with the Cross and the Military Medal for his long and
valued services to the country of his adoption.

The handsome volume by Raoul de Cazenove, entitled "Rapin-Thoyras, sa
Famille, sa Vie, et ses OEuvres," to which we are indebted for much of
the above information, is dedicated to this distinguished military
chief.




III.

CAPTAIN RIOU, R.N.

   "Brave hearts! to Britain's pride
      Once so faithful and so true,
    On the deck of fame that died,
      With the gallant good Riou:
  Soft sigh the winds of heaven o'er their grave!"

      CAMPBELL'S _Battle of the Baltic_.


The words in which Campbell describes Captain Riou in his noble ode
are nearly identical with those used by Lord Nelson himself when
alluding to his death in the famous despatch relative to the battle of
Copenhagen. These few but pregnant words, "the gallant and the good,"
constitute nearly all the record that exists of the character of this
distinguished officer, though it is no slight glory to have them
embalmed in the poetry of Campbell and the despatches of Nelson.

Having had the good fortune, in the course of recent inquiries as to
the descendants of illustrious Huguenots in England, to become
acquainted with the principal events in Captain Riou's life, drawn
from family papers, I now propose to supplement Lord Nelson's brief
epitome of his character by the following memoir of this distinguished
seaman.

Captain Riou was descended from the ancient Riou family of Vernoux, in
Languedoc, of whom early mention is made in French history, several
members of it having specially distinguished themselves as generals in
the wars in Spain. Like many other noble families of Languedoc in the
seventeenth century, the Rious were staunch Huguenots; and when, in
1685, Louis XIV. determined to stamp out Protestantism in France, and
revoked the Edict of Nantes, the principal members of the family,
refusing to conform, left the country, and their estates were
confiscated by the Crown.

Estienne Riou, heir to the estate at Vernoux, was born after the death
of his father, who was a man of eminent repute in his neighbourhood;
and he did not leave France until his eleventh year, when he fled with
his paternal uncle, Matthew Labrune, across the frontier, and took
refuge with him at Berne, in Switzerland. There the uncle engaged in
business as a merchant, while the nephew, when of sufficient age,
desirous of following the usual career of his family, went into
Piedmont to join the little Huguenot army from England, then engaged
in assisting the Duke of Savoy against the armies of the French king.
Estienne was admitted a cadet in Lord Galway's regiment, then engaged
in the siege of Casale; and he remained with it for two years, when,
on the army returning to England, he received an honourable discharge,
and went back to reside for a time with his bachelor uncle at Berne.

In 1698 both uncle and nephew left Switzerland to settle in London as
merchants, bringing with them a considerable capital. They exported
English manufactured goods to the East Indies, Holland, Germany, and
Italy; and imported large quantities of raw silk, principally from
Spain and Italy, carrying on their business with uniform probity and
credit. In course of time Estienne married Magdalen Baudoin, the
daughter of a refugee gentleman from Touraine,--the members of
refugee families usually intermarrying for several generations after
their settlement in England. The issue of this marriage was an only
son, Stephen Riou, who, like his ancestors, embraced the profession of
arms, rising to be captain in the Horse Grenadier Guards. He
afterwards attended the Confederate forces in Flanders as an engineer,
and on the conclusion of peace, he travelled for nearly four years
through the principal countries of Europe, accompanying Sir P. Ker
Porter on his embassy to Constantinople. He afterwards settled,
married, and had two sons,--Philip, the elder, who entered the Royal
Artillery, and died senior colonel at Woolwich in 1817; and Edward,
the second son, who entered the navy--the subject of the present
memoir.

Edward Riou was born at Mount Ephraim, near Faversham, on the 20th
November, 1762. The family afterwards removed to London, where Edward
received his education, partly at the Marylebone Grammar School and
partly at home, where his father superintended his instruction in
fortification, and navigation. Though of peculiarly sweet and amiable
disposition, young Riou displayed remarkable firmness and even
fearlessness as a boy. He rejoiced at all deeds of noble daring, and
it was perhaps his love of adventure that early determined his choice
of a profession; for, even when a very little fellow, he was usually
styled by the servants and by his playmates, "the noble captain."

Accordingly, when only twelve years old, he went to sea as midshipman
on board Admiral Pye's ship, the _Harfleur_; from whence, in the
following year, he was removed to the _Romney_, Captain Keith
Elphinstone, on the Newfoundland station; and on the return of the
ship to England in 1776, he had the good fortune to be appointed
midshipman on board the _Discovery_, Captain Charles Clarke, which
accompanied Captain Cook in the _Resolution_ in his last voyage round
the world. Nothing could have been more to the mind of our sailor-boy
than this voyage of adventure and discovery, in company with the
greatest navigator of the age.

The _Discovery_ sailed from the Downs on the 18th of June, but had no
sooner entered the Channel than a storm arose which did considerable
damage to the ship, which was driven into Portland Roads. At Plymouth,
the _Discovery_ was joined by the _Resolution_; but as the former had
to go into harbour for repairs, Captain Cook set sail for the Cape
alone, leaving orders for Captain Clarke to follow him there. The
_Discovery_ at length put to sea, and after a stormy voyage joined
Captain Cook in Table Bay on the 11th of August. Before setting sail
on the longer voyage, Riou had the felicity of being transferred to
the _Resolution_, under the command of Captain Cook himself.

It is not necessary that we should describe this celebrated voyage,
with which every boy is familiar--its storms and hurricanes; the
landings on islands where the white man's face had never been seen
before; the visits to the simple natives of Huahine and Otaheite, then
a little Eden; the perilous coasting along the North American seaboard
to Behring's Straits, in search of the North-Western passage; and
finally, the wintering of the ships at Owyhee, where Captain Cook met
his cruel death, of which young Riou was a horror-struck spectator
from the deck of the _Resolution_, on the morning of the 14th of
February, 1779.

After about four years' absence on this voyage, so full of adventure
and peril, Riou returned to England with the _Resolution_, and was
shortly after appointed lieutenant of the sloop _Scourge_, Captain
Knatchbull, Commander, which took part, under Lord Rodney, in the
bombardment and capture of St. Eustatia. Here Riou was so severely
wounded in the eye by a splinter that he lost his sight for many
months. In March, 1782, he was removed to the _Mediator_, forty-four
guns, commanded by Captain Luttrell, and shared in the glory which
attached to the officers and crew of that ship through its almost
unparalleled achievement of the 12th of December of that year.

It was at daybreak that the _Mediator_ sighted five sail of the enemy,
consisting of the _Ménagère_, thirty-six guns _en flûte_; the
_Eugène_, thirty-six; and the _Dauphin Royal_, twenty-eight (French);
in company with the _Alexander_, twenty-eight guns, and another brig,
fourteen (American), formed in line of battle to receive the
_Mediator_, which singly bore down upon them. The skilful seamanship
and dashing gallantry of the English disconcerted the combinations of
the enemy, and after several hours' fighting two of their vessels fell
out of the line, and went away, badly crippled, to leeward. About an
hour later the _Alexander_ was cut off, the _Mediator_ wearing between
her and her consorts, and in ten minutes she struck. A chase then
ensued after the larger vessels, and late in the evening the
_Ménagère_, being raked within pistol shot, hailed for quarter. The
rest of the squadron escaped, and the gallant _Mediator_, having taken
possession of her two prizes, set sail with them for England, arriving
in Cawsand Bay on the 17th of December.

In the year following, Captain Luttrell, having been appointed to the
_Ganges_, took with him Mr. Riou as second lieutenant. He served in
this ship until the following summer, when he retired for a time on
half-pay, devoting himself to study and continental travel until
March, 1786, when we find him serving under Admiral Elliot as second
lieutenant of the _Salisbury_. It was about this time that he
submitted to the Admiralty a plan, doubtless suggested by his voyage
with Captain Cook, "for the discovery and preservation of a passage
through the continent of North America, and for the increase of
commerce to this kingdom." The plan was very favourably received, but
as war seemed imminent, no steps were then taken to carry it into
effect.

The young officer had, however, by this time recommended himself for
promotion by his admirable conduct and his good service; and in the
spring of 1789 he was appointed to the command of the _Guardian_,
forty-four guns, armed _en flûte_, which was under orders to take out
stores and convicts to New South Wales. In a chatty, affectionate letter
written to his widowed mother, from on shipboard at the Cape while on
the voyage out, he says,--"I have no expectation, after the promotion
that took place before I left England, of finding myself master and
commander on my return." After speculating as to what might happen in
the meantime while he was so far from home, and expressing an anxiety
which was but natural on the part of an enterprising young officer eager
for advancement in his profession, he proceeded,--"Politics must take a
great turn, I think, by the time of my return. War will likely be begun;
in that case we may bring a prize in with us. But our foresight is
short--and mine particularly so. I hardly ever look forward to beyond
three months. 'Tis in vain to be otherwise, for Providence, which
directs all things, is inscrutable." And he concluded his letter
thus,--"Now for Port Jackson. I shall sail to-night if the wind is fair.
God for ever bless you."

But neither Riou nor the ill-fated _Guardian_ ever reached Port
Jackson! A fortnight after setting sail from the Cape, while the ship
was driving through a thick fog (in lat. 44·5, long. 41) a severe
shock suddenly called Riou to the deck, where an appalling spectacle
presented itself. The ship had struck upon an iceberg. A body of
floating ice twice as high as the masthead was on the lee beam, and
the ship appeared to be entering a sort of cavern in its side. In a
few minutes the rudder was torn away, a severe leak was sprung, and
all hands worked for bare life at the pumps. The ship became
comparatively unmanageable, and masses of overhanging ice threatened
every moment to overwhelm her. At length, by dint of incessant
efforts, the ship was extricated from the ice, but the leak gained
fearfully, and stores, cattle, guns, booms, everything that could be
cut away, was thrown overboard.

It was all in vain. The ship seemed to be sinking; and despair sat on
every countenance save that of the young commander. He continued to
hope even against hope. At length, after forty-eight hours of
incessant pumping, a cry arose for "the boats," as presenting the only
chance of safety. Riou pleaded with the men to persevere, and they
went on bravely again at the pumps. But the dawn of another day
revealed so fearful a position of affairs that the inevitable
foundering of the ship seemed to be a matter of minutes rather than
of hours. The boats were hoisted out, discipline being preserved to
the last. Riou's servant hastened to him to ask what boat he would
select to go in, that he himself might take a place beside him. His
answer was that "he would stay by the ship, save her if he could, and
if needs be sink with her, but that the people were at liberty to
consult their own safety." He then sat down and wrote the following
letter to the Admiralty, giving it in charge to Mr. Clements, the
master, whose boat was the only one that ever reached land:--

                                   "Her Majesty's Ship _Guardian_,
                                        "_December, 1789._