A terrible struggle ensued, and the Camisards at last reached the
bridge at Rosni; but there, too, the Royalists were found blocking the
road, and crowding the heights on either side. Cavalier, to avoid
recognition, threw off his uniform, and assumed the guise of a simple
Camisard. Again he sought to force his way through the masses of the
enemy. His advance was a series of hand-to-hand fights, extending over
some six miles, and the struggle lasted for nearly the entire day.
More than a thousand dead strewed the roads, of whom one half were
Camisards. The Royalists took five drums, sixty-two horses, and four
mules laden with provisions, but not one prisoner.

When Villars reached Nismes and heard of this battle, he went to see
the field, and expressed his admiration at the skill and valour of the
Camisard chief. "Here is a man," said he, "of no education, without
any experience in the art of war, who has conducted himself under the
most difficult and delicate circumstances as if he had been a great
general. Truly, to fight such a battle were worthy of Cæsar!"

Indeed, the conduct of Cavalier in this struggle so impressed Marshal
Villars, that he determined, if possible, to gain him over, together
with his brave followers, to the ranks of the royal army. Villars was
no bigot, but a humane and honourable man, and a thorough soldier. He
deplored the continuance of this atrocious war, and proceeded to take
immediate steps to bring it, if possible, to a satisfactory
conclusion.

In the meantime, however, the defeat of the Camisards had been
followed by other reverses. During the absence of Cavalier in the
South, the royalist general Lalande, at the head of five thousand
troops, fell upon the joint forces of Roland and Joany at Brenoux, and
completely defeated them. The same general lay in wait for the return
of Cavalier with his broken forces, to his retreat near Euzet; and on
his coming up, the Royalists, in overpowering numbers, fell upon the
dispirited Camisards, and inflicted upon them another heavy loss.

But a greater calamity, if possible, was the discovery and capture of
Cavalier's magazines in the caverns near Euzet. The royalist soldiers,
having observed an old woman frequently leaving the village for the
adjoining wood with a full basket and returning with an empty one,
suspected her of succouring the rebels, arrested her, and took her
before the general. When questioned at first she would confess
nothing; on which she was ordered forthwith to be hanged. When taken
to the gibbet in the market-place, however, the old woman's resolution
gave way, and she entreated to be taken back to the general, when she
would confess everything. She then acknowledged that she had the care
of an hospital in the adjoining wood, and that her daily errands had
been thither. She was promised pardon if she led the soldiers at once
to the place; and she did so, a battalion following at her heels.

Advancing into the wood, the old woman led the soldiers to the mouth
of a cavern, into which she pointed, and the men entered. The first
sight that met their eyes was a number of sick and wounded Camisards
lying upon couches along ledges cut in the rock. They were immediately
put to death. Entering further into the cavern, the soldiers were
surprised to find in an inner vault an immense magazine of grain,
flour, chestnuts, beans, barrels of wine and brandy; farther in,
stores of drugs, ointment, dressings, and hospital furnishings; and
finally, an arsenal containing a large store of sabres, muskets,
pistols, and gunpowder, together with the materials for making it; all
of which the Royalists seized and carried off.

Lalande, before leaving Euzet, inflicted upon it a terrible
punishment. He gave it up to pillage, then burnt it to the ground, and
put the inhabitants to the sword--all but the old woman, who was left
alone amidst the corpses and ashes of the ruined village. Lalande
returned in triumph to Alais, some of his soldiers displaying on the
points of their bayonets the ears of the slain Camisards.

Other reverses followed in quick succession. Salomon was attacked near
Pont-de-Montvert, the birthplace of the insurrection, and lost some
eight hundred of his men. His magazines at Magistavols were also
discovered and ransacked, containing, amongst other stores, twenty
oxen and a hundred sheep.

Thus, in four combats, the Camisards lost nearly half their forces,
together with a large part of their arms, ammunition, and provisions.
The country occupied by them had been ravaged and reduced to a state
of desert, and there seemed but little prospect of their again being
able to make head against their enemies.

The loss of life during the last year of the insurrection had been
frightful. Some twenty thousand men had perished--eight thousand
soldiers, four thousand of the Roman Catholic population, and from
seven to eight thousand Protestants.

Villars had no sooner entered upon the functions of his office than he
set himself to remedy this dreadful state of things. He was encouraged
in his wise intentions by the Baron D'Aigalliers, a Protestant
nobleman of high standing and great influence, who had emigrated into
England at the Revocation, but had since returned. This nobleman
entertained the ardent desire of reconciling the King with his
Protestant subjects; and he was encouraged by the French Court to
endeavour to bring the rebels of the Cevennes to terms.

One of the first things Villars did, was to proceed on a journey
through the devastated districts; and he could not fail to be
horrified at the sight of the villages in ruins, the wasted vineyards,
the untilled fields, and the deserted homesteads which met his eyes on
every side. Wherever he went, he gave it out that he was ready to
pardon all persons--rebels as well as their chiefs--who should lay
down their arms and submit to the royal clemency; but that, if they
continued obstinate and refused to submit, he would proceed against
them to the last extremity. He even offered to put arms in the hands
of such of the Protestant population as would co-operate with him in
suppressing the insurrection.

In the meantime, the defeated Camisards under Roland were reorganizing
their forces, and preparing again to take the field. They were
unwilling to submit themselves to the professed clemency of Villars,
without some sufficient guarantee that their religious rights--in
defence of which they had taken up arms--would be respected. Roland
was already establishing new magazines in place of those which had
been destroyed; he was again recruiting his brigades from the
Protestant communes, and many of those who had recovered from their
wounds again rallied under his standard.

At this juncture, D'Aigalliers suggested to Villars that a negotiation
should be opened directly with the Camisard chiefs to induce them to
lay down their arms. Roland refused to listen to any overtures; but
Cavalier was more accessible, and expressed himself willing to
negotiate for peace provided his religion was respected and
recognised.

And Cavalier was right. He saw clearly that longer resistance was
futile, that it could only end in increased devastation and
destruction; and he was wise in endeavouring to secure the best
possible terms under the circumstances for his suffering
co-religionists. Roland, who refused all such overtures, was the more
uncompromising and tenacious of purpose; but Cavalier, notwithstanding
his extreme youth, was by far the more practical and politic of the
two.

There is no doubt also that Cavalier had begun to weary of the
struggle. He became depressed and sad, and even after a victory he
would kneel down amidst the dead and wounded, and pray to God that He
would turn the heart of the King to mercy, and help to re-establish
the ancient temples throughout the land.

An interview with Cavalier was eventually arranged by Lalande. The
brigadier invited him to a conference, guaranteeing him safe conduct,
and intimating that if he refused the meeting, he would be regarded as
the enemy of peace, and held responsible before God and man for all
future bloodshed. Cavalier replied to Lalande's invitation, accepting
the interview, indicating the place and the time of meeting.

Catinat, the Camisard general of horse, was the bearer of Cavalier's
letter, and he rode on to Alais to deliver it, arrayed in magnificent
costume. Lalande was at table when Catinat was shown in to him.
Observing the strange uniform and fierce look of the intruder, the
brigadier asked who he was. "Catinat!" was the reply. "What," cried
Lalande, "are you the Catinat who killed so many people in Beaucaire?"
"Yes, it is I," said Catinat, "and I only endeavoured to do my duty."
"You are hardy, indeed, to dare to show yourself before me." "I have
come," said the Camisard, "in good faith, persuaded that you are an
honest man, and on the assurance of my brother Cavalier that you would
do me no harm. I come to deliver you his letter." And so saying, he
handed it to the brigadier. Hastily perusing the letter, Lalande said,
"Go back to Cavalier, and tell him that in two hours I shall be at the
Bridge of Avène with only ten officers and thirty dragoons."

The interview took place at the time appointed, on the bridge over the
Avène, a few miles south of Alais. Cavalier arrived, attended by three
hundred foot and sixty Camisard dragoons. When the two chiefs
recognised each other, they halted their escorts, dismounted, and,
followed by some officers, proceeded on foot to meet each other.

Lalande had brought with him Cavalier's younger brother, who had been
for some time a prisoner, and presented him, saying, "The King gives
him to you in token of his merciful intentions." The brothers, who
had not met since their mother's death, embraced and wept. Cavalier
thanked the general; and then, leaving their officers, the two went on
one side, and conferred together alone.

"The King," said Lalande, "wishes, in the exercise of his clemency, to
terminate this war amongst his subjects; what are your terms and your
demands?" "They consist of three things," replied Cavalier: "liberty
of worship; the deliverance of our brethren who are in prison and at
the galleys; and, if the first condition be refused, then free
permission to leave France." "How many persons would wish to leave the
kingdom?" asked Lalande. "Ten thousand of various ages and both
sexes." "Ten thousand! It is impossible! Leave might possibly be
granted for two, but certainly not for ten." "Then," said Cavalier,
"if the King will not allow us to leave the kingdom, he will at least
re-establish our ancient edicts and privileges?"

Lalande promised to report the result of the conference to the
marshal, though he expressed a doubt whether he could agree to the
terms proposed. The brigadier took leave of Cavalier by expressing the
desire to be of service to him at any time; but he made a gross and
indelicate mistake in offering his purse to the Camisard chief. "No,
no!" said Cavalier, rejecting it with a look of contempt, "I wish for
none of your gold, but only for religious liberty, or, if that be
refused, for a safe conduct out of the kingdom."

Lalande then asked to be taken up to the Camisard troop, who had been
watching the proceedings of their leader with great interest. Coming
up to them in the ranks, he said, "Here is a purse of a hundred louis
with which to drink the King's health." Their reply was like their
leader's, "We want no money, but liberty of conscience." "It is not
in my power to grant you that," said the general, "but you will do
well to submit to the King's will." "We are ready," said they, "to
obey his orders, provided he grants our just demands; but if not, we
are prepared to die arms in hand." And thus ended this memorable
interview, which lasted for about two hours; Lalande and his followers
returning to Alais, while Cavalier went with his troop in the
direction of Vezenobres.

Cavalier's enemies say that in the course of his interview with
Lalande he was offered honours, rewards, and promotion, if he would
enter the King's service; and it is added that Cavalier was tempted by
these offers, and thereby proved false to his cause and followers. But
it is more probable that Cavalier was sincere in his desire to come to
fair terms with the King, observing the impossibility, under the
circumstances, of prolonging the struggle against the royal armies
with any reasonable prospect of success. If Cavalier were really
bribed by any such promises of promotion, at all events such promises
were never fulfilled; nor did the French monarch reward him in any way
for his endeavours to bring the Camisard insurrection to an end.

It was characteristic of Roland to hold aloof from these negotiations,
and refuse to come to any terms whatever with "Baal." As if to
separate himself entirely from Cavalier, he withdrew into the Upper
Cevennes to resume the war. At the very time that Cavalier was holding
the conference with the royalist general at the Bridge of the Avène,
Roland and Joany, with a body of horse and foot, waylaid the Count de
Tournou at the plateau of Font-morte--the place where Seguier, the
first Camisard leader, had been defeated and captured--and suddenly
fell upon the Royalists, putting them to flight.

A rich booty fell into the hands of the Camisards, part of which
consisted of the quarter's rental of the confiscated estate of Salgas,
in the possession of the King's collector, Viala, whom the royalist
troops were escorting to St. Jean de Gard. The collector, who had made
himself notorious for his cruelty, was put to death after frightful
torment, and his son and nephew were also shot. So far, therefore, as
Roland and his associates were concerned, there appeared to be no
intention of surrender or compromise; and Villars was under the
necessity of prosecuting the war against them to the last extremity.

In the meantime, Cavalier was hailed throughout the low country as the
pacificator of Languedoc. The people on both sides had become heartily
sick of the war, and were glad to be rid of it on any terms that
promised peace and security for the future. At the invitation of
Marshal Villars, Cavalier proceeded towards Nismes, and his march from
town to town was one continuous ovation. He was eagerly welcomed by
the population; and his men were hospitably entertained by the
garrisons of the places through which they passed. Every liberty was
allowed him; and not a day passed without a religious meeting being
held, accompanied with public preaching, praying, and psalm-singing.
At length Cavalier and his little army approached the neighbourhood of
Nismes, where his arrival was anticipated with extraordinary interest.

The beautiful old city had witnessed many strange sights; but probably
the entry of the young Camisard chief was one of the most remarkable
of all. This herd-boy and baker's apprentice of the Cevennes, after
holding at bay the armies of France for nearly three years, had come
to negotiate a treaty of peace with its most famous general. Leaving
the greater part of his cavalry and the whole of his infantry at St.
Césaire, a few miles from Nismes, Cavalier rode towards the town
attended by eighteen horsemen commanded by Catinat. On approaching the
southern gate, he found an immense multitude waiting his arrival. "He
could not have been more royally welcomed," said the priest of St.
Germain, "had he been a king."

Cavalier rode at the head of his troop gaily attired; for fine dress
was one of the weaknesses of the Camisard chiefs. He wore a
tight-fitting doeskin coat ornamented with gold lace, scarlet
breeches, a muslin cravat, and a large beaver with a white plume; his
long fair hair hanging over his shoulders. Catinat rode by his side on
a high-mettled charger, attracting all eyes by his fine figure, his
martial air, and his magnificent costume. Cavalier's faithful friend,
Daniel Billard, rode on his left; and behind followed his little
brother in military uniform, between the Baron d'Aigalliers and
Lacombe, the agents for peace.

The cavalcade advanced through the dense crowd, which could with
difficulty be kept back, past the Roman Amphitheatre, and along the
Rue St. Antoine, to the Garden of the Récollets, a Franciscan convent,
nearly opposite the elegant Roman temple known as the Maison
Carrée.[45] Alighting from his horse at the gate, and stationing his
guard there under the charge of Catinat, Cavalier entered the garden,
and was conducted to Marshal Villars, with whom was Baville, intendant
of the province; Baron Sandricourt, governor of Nismes; General
Lalande, and other dignitaries. Cavalier looked such a mere boy, that
Villars at first could scarcely believe that it was the celebrated
Camisard chief who stood before him. The marshal, however, advanced
several steps, and addressed some complimentary words to Cavalier, to
which he respectfully replied.

         [Footnote 45: The Nismes Theatre now occupies part of the
         Jardin des Récollets.]

The conference then began and proceeded, though not without frequent
interruptions from Baville, who had so long regarded Cavalier as a
despicable rebel, that he could scarcely brook the idea of the King's
marshal treating with him on anything like equal terms. But the
marshal checked the intendant by reminding him that he had no
authority to interfere in a matter which the King had solely entrusted
to himself. Then turning to Cavalier, he asked him to state his
conditions for a treaty of peace.

Cavalier has set forth in his memoirs the details of the conditions
proposed by him, and which he alleges were afterwards duly agreed to
and signed by Villars and Baville, on the 17th of May, 1704, on the
part of the King. The first condition was liberty of conscience, with
the privilege of holding religious assemblies in country places. This
was agreed to, subject to the Protestant temples not being rebuilt.
The second--that all Protestants in prison or at the galleys should be
set at liberty within six weeks from the date of the treaty--was also
agreed to. The third--that all who had left the kingdom on account of
their religion should have liberty to return, and be restored to their
estates and privileges--was agreed to, subject to their taking the
oath of allegiance. The fourth--as to the re-establishment of the
parliament of Languedoc on its ancient footing--was promised
consideration. The fifth and sixth--that the province should be free
from capitation tax for ten years, and that the Protestants should
hold Montpellier, Cette, Perpignan, and Aiguesmortes, as cautionary
towns--were refused. The seventh--that those inhabitants of the
Cevennes whose houses had been burnt during the civil war should pay
no imposts for seven years--was granted. And the eighth--that Cavalier
should raise a regiment of dragoons to serve the King in Portugal--was
also granted.

These conditions are said to have been agreed to on the distinct
understanding that the insurrection should forthwith cease, and that
all persons in arms against the King should lay them down and submit
themselves to his majesty's clemency.

The terms having been generally agreed to, Cavalier respectfully took
his leave of the marshal, and returned to his comrades at the gate.
But Catinat and the Camisard guard had disappeared. The conference had
lasted two hours, during which Cavalier's general of horse had become
tired of waiting, and gone with his companions to refresh himself at
the sign of the Golden Cup. On his way thither, he witched the world
of Nismes with his noble horsemanship, making his charger bound and
prance and curvet, greatly to the delight of the immense crowd that
followed him.

On the return of the Camisard guard to the Récollets, Cavalier mounted
his horse, and, escorted by them, proceeded to the Hôtel de la Poste,
where he rested. In the evening, he came out on the Esplanade, and
walked freely amidst the crowd, amongst whom were many ladies, eager
to see the Camisard hero, and happy if they could but hear him speak,
or touch his dress. He then went to visit the mother of Daniel, his
favourite prophet, a native of Nismes, whose father and brother were
both prisoners because of their religion. Returning to the hotel,
Cavalier mustered his guard, and set out for Calvisson, followed by
hundreds of people, singing together as they passed through the town
gate the 133rd Psalm--"Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for
brethren to dwell together in unity!"

Cavalier remained with his companions at Calvisson for eight days,
during which he enjoyed the most perfect freedom of action. He held
public religious services daily, at first amidst the ruins of the
demolished Protestant temple, and afterwards, when the space was
insufficient, in the open plain outside the town walls. People came
from all quarters to attend them--from the Vaunage, from Sommières,
from Lunel, from Nismes, and even from Montpellier. As many as forty
thousand persons are said to have resorted to the services during
Cavalier's sojourn at Calvisson. The plains resounded with preaching
and psalmody from morning until evening, sometimes until late at
night, by torchlight.

These meetings were a great cause of offence to the more bigoted of
the Roman Catholics, who saw in them the triumph of their enemies.
They muttered audibly against the policy of Villars, who was
tolerating if not encouraging heretics--worthy, in their estimation,
only of perdition. Fléchier, Bishop of Nismes, was full of
lamentations on the subject, and did not scruple to proclaim that war,
with all its horrors, was even more tolerable than such a peace as
this.

Unhappily, the peace proved only of short duration, and Cavalier's
anticipations of unity and brotherly love were not destined to be
fulfilled. Whether Roland was jealous of the popularity achieved by
Cavalier, or suspected treachery on the part of the Royalists, or
whether he still believed in the ability of his followers to conquer
religious liberty and compel the re-establishment of the ancient
edicts by the sword, does not clearly appear. At all events, he
refused to be committed in any way by what Cavalier had done; and when
the treaty entered into with Villars was submitted to Roland for
approval, he refused to sign it. A quarrel had almost occurred between
the chiefs, and hot words passed between them. But Cavalier controlled
himself, and still hoped to persuade Roland to adopt a practicable
course, and bring the unhappy war to a conclusion.

It was at length agreed between them that a further effort should be
made to induce Villars to grant more liberal terms, particularly with
respect to the rebuilding of the Protestant temples; and Cavalier
consented that Salomon should accompany him to an interview with the
marshal, and endeavour to obtain such a modification of the treaty as
should meet Roland's views. Accordingly, another meeting shortly after
took place in the Garden of the Récollets at Nismes, Cavalier leaving
it to Salomon to be the spokesman on the occasion.

But Salomon proved as uncompromising as his chief. He stated his
_ultimatum_ bluntly and firmly--re-establishment of the Edict of
Nantes, and complete liberty of conscience. On no other terms, he
said, would the Camisards lay down their arms. Villars was courtly and
polite as usual, but he was as firm as Salomon. He would adhere to the
terms that had been agreed to, but could not comply with the
conditions proposed. The discussion lasted for two hours, and at
length became stormy and threatening on the part of Salomon, on which
the marshal turned on his heel and left the apartment.

Cavalier's followers had not yet been informed of the conditions of
the treaty into which he had entered with Villars, but they had been
led to believe that the Edict was to be re-established and liberty of
worship restored. Their suspicions had already been roused by the
hints thrown out by Ravanel, who was as obdurate as Roland in his
refusal to lay down his arms until the Edict had been re-established.

While Cavalier was still at Nismes, on his second mission to Villars,
accompanied by Salomon, Ravanel, who had been left in charge of the
troop at Calvisson, assembled the men, and told them he feared they
were being betrayed--that they were to be refused this free exercise
of their religion in temples of their own, but were to be required to
embark as King's soldiers on shipboard, perhaps to perish at sea.
"Brethren," said he, "let us cling by our own native land, and live
and die for the Eternal." The men enthusiastically applauded the stern
resolve of Ravanel, and awaited with increasing impatience the return
of the negotiating chief.

On Cavalier's return to his men, he found, to his dismay, that instead
of being welcomed back with the usual cordiality, they were drawn up
in arms under Ravanel, and received him in silence, with angry and
scowling looks. He upbraided Ravanel for such a reception, on which
the storm immediately burst. "What is the treaty, then," cried
Ravanel, "that thou hast made with this marshal?"

Cavalier, embarrassed, evaded the inquiry; but Ravanel, encouraged by
his men, proceeded to press for the information. "Well," said
Cavalier, "it is arranged that we shall go to serve in Portugal."
There was at once a violent outburst from the ranks. "Traitor! coward!
then thou hast sold us! But we shall have no peace--no peace without
our temples."

At sound of the loud commotion and shouting, Vincel, the King's
commissioner, who remained at Calvisson pending the negotiations, came
running up, and the men in their rage would have torn him to pieces,
but Cavalier threw himself in their way, exclaiming, "Back, men! Do
him no harm, kill me instead." His voice, his gesture, arrested the
Camisards, and Vincel turned and fled for his life.

Ravanel then ordered the _générale_ to be beaten. The men drew up in
their ranks, and putting himself at their head, Ravanel marched them
out of Calvisson by the northern gate. Cavalier, humiliated and
downcast, followed the troop--their leader no more. He could not part
with them thus--the men he had so often led to victory, and who had
followed him so devotedly--but hung upon their rear, hoping they would
yet relent and return to him as their chief.

Catinat, his general of horse, observing Cavalier following the men,
turned upon him. "Whither wouldst thou go, traitor?" cried Catinat.
What! Catinat, of all others, to prove unfaithful? Yet it was so!
Catinat even, presented his pistol at his former chief, but he did not
fire.

Cavalier would not yet turn back. He hung upon the skirts of the
column, entreating, supplicating, adjuring the men, by all their
former love for him, to turn, and follow him. But they sternly marched
on, scarcely even deigning to answer him. Ravanel endeavoured to drive
him back by reproaches, which at length so irritated Cavalier, that he
drew his sword, and they were about to rush at each other, when one
of the prophets ran between them and prevented bloodshed.

Cavalier did not desist from following them for several miles, until
at length, on reaching St. Estève, the men were appealed to as to whom
they would follow, and they declared themselves for Ravanel. Cavalier
made a last appeal to their allegiance, and called out, "Let those who
love me, follow me!" About forty of his old adherents detached
themselves from the ranks, and followed Cavalier in the direction of
Nismes. But the principal body remained with Ravanel, who, waving his
sabre in the air, and shouting, "Vive l'Épée de l'Éternel!" turned his
men's faces northward and marched on to rejoin Roland in the Upper
Cevennes.

Cavalier was completely prostrated by the desertion of his followers.
He did not know where next to turn. He could not rejoin the Camisard
camp nor enter the villages of the Cevennes, and he was ashamed to
approach Villars, lest he should be charged with deceiving him. But he
sent a letter to the marshal, informing him of the failure of his
negotiations, the continued revolt of the Camisards, and their
rejection of him as their chief. Villars, however, was gentle and
generous; he was persuaded that Cavalier had acted loyally and in good
faith throughout, and he sent a message by the Baron d'Aigalliers,
urgently inviting him to return to Nismes and arrange as to the
future. Cavalier accordingly set out forthwith, accompanied by his
brother and the prophet Daniel, and escorted by the ten horsemen and
thirty foot who still remained faithful to his person.

It is not necessary further to pursue the history of Cavalier.
Suffice it to say that, at the request of Marshal Villars, he
proceeded to Paris, where he had an unsatisfactory interview with
Louis XIV.; that fearing an intention on the part of the Roman
Catholic party to make him a prisoner, he fled across the frontier
into Switzerland; that he eventually reached England, and entered the
English army, with the rank of Colonel; that he raised a regiment of
refugee Frenchmen, consisting principally of his Camisard followers,
at the head of whom he fought most valiantly at the battle of Almanza;
that he was afterwards appointed governor of Jersey, and died a
major-general in the British service in the year 1740, greatly
respected by all who knew him.

       *       *       *       *       *

Although Cavalier failed in carrying the treaty into effect, so far as
he was concerned, his secession at this juncture proved a deathblow to
the insurrection. The remaining Camisard leaders endeavoured in vain
to incite that enthusiasm amongst their followers which had so often
before led them to victory. The men felt that they were fighting
without hope, and as it were with halters round their necks. Many of
them began to think that Cavalier had been justified in seeking to
secure the best terms practicable; and they dropped off, by tens and
fifties, to join their former leader, whose head-quarters for some
time continued to be at Vallabergue, an island in the Rhône a little
above Beaucaire.

The insurgents were also in a great measure disarmed by Marshal
Villars, who continued to pursue a policy of clemency, and at the same
time of severity. He offered a free pardon to all who surrendered
themselves, but threatened death to all who continued to resist the
royal troops. In sign of his clemency, he ordered the gibbets which
had for some years stood _en permanence_ in all the villages of the
Cevennes, to be removed; and he went from town to town, urging all
well-disposed people, of both religions, to co-operate with him in
putting an end to the dreadful civil war that had so long desolated
the province.

Moved by the marshal's eloquent appeals, the principal towns along the
Gardon and the Vidourle appointed deputies to proceed in a body to the
camp of Roland, and induce him if possible to accept the proffered
amnesty. They waited upon him accordingly at his camp of St. Felix and
told him their errand. But his answer was to order them at once to
leave the place on pain of death.

Villars himself sent messengers to Roland--amongst others the Baron
d'Aigalliers--offering to guarantee that no one should be molested on
account of his religion, provided he and his men would lay down their
arms; but Roland remained inflexible--nothing short of complete
religious liberty would induce him to surrender.

Roland and Joany were still at the head of about a thousand men in the
Upper Cevennes. Pont-de-Montvert was at the time occupied by a body of
Miguelets, whom they determined if possible to destroy. Dividing their
army into three bodies, they proceeded to assail simultaneously the
three quarters of which the village is composed. But the commander of
the Miguelets, informed of Roland's intention, was prepared to receive
him. One of the Camisard wings was attacked at the same time in front
and rear, thrown into confusion and defeated; and the other wings were
driven back with heavy loss.

This was Roland's last battle. About a month later--in August,
1704--while a body of Camisards occupied the Château of Castelnau, not
far from Ners, the place was suddenly surrounded at night by a body of
royalist dragoons. The alarm was raised, and Roland, half-dressed,
threw himself on horseback and fled. He was pursued, overtaken, and
brought to a stand in a wood, where, setting his back to a tree he
defended himself bravely for a time against overpowering numbers, but
was at last shot through the heart by a dragoon, and the Camisard
chief lay dead upon the ground.

The insurrection did not long survive the death of Roland. The other
chiefs wandered about from place to place with their followers, but
they had lost heart and hope, and avoided further encounters with the
royal forces. One after another of them surrendered. Castanet and
Catinat both laid down their arms, and were allowed to leave France
for Switzerland, accompanied by twenty-two of their men. Joany also
surrendered with forty-six of his followers.

One by one the other chiefs laid down their arms--all excepting
Abraham and Ravanel, who preferred liberty and misery at home to peace
and exile abroad. They continued for some time to wander about in the
Upper Cevennes, hiding in the woods by day and sleeping in caves by
night--hunted, deserted, and miserable. And thus at last was Languedoc
pacified; and at the beginning of January, 1705, Marshal Villars
returned to Versailles to receive the congratulations and honours of
the King.

Several futile attempts were afterwards made by the banished leaders
to rekindle the insurrection from its embers, Catinat and Castanet,
wearied of their inaction at Geneva, stole back across the frontier
and rejoined Ravanel in the Cevennes; but their rashness cost them
their lives. They were all captured and condemned to death. Castanet
and Salomon were broken alive on the wheel on the Peyrou at
Montpellier, and Catinat, Ravanel, with several others, were burnt
alive on the Place de la Beaucaire at Nismes.

The last to perish were Abraham and Joany. The one was shot while
holding the royal troops at bay, firing upon them from the roof of a
cottage at Mas-de-Couteau; the other was captured in the mountains
near the source of the Tarn. He was on his way to prison, tied behind
a trooper, like Rob Roy in Scott's novel, when, suddenly freeing
himself from his bonds while crossing the bridge of Pont-de-Montvert,
he slid from the horse, and leapt over the parapet into the Tarn. The
soldiers at once opened fire upon the fugitive, and he fell, pierced
with many balls, and was carried away in the torrent. And thus
Pont-de-Montvert, which had seen the beginning, also saw the end of
the insurrection.




CHAPTER IX.

GALLEY-SLAVES FOR THE FAITH.


After the death of the last of the Camisard leaders, there was no
further effort at revolt. The Huguenots seemed to be entirely put
down, and Protestantism completely destroyed. There was no longer any
resistance nor protest. If there were any Huguenots who had not become
Catholics, they remained mute. Force had at last succeeded in stifling
them.

A profound quiet reigned for a time throughout France. The country had
become a circle, closely watched by armed men--by dragoons, infantry,
archers, and coastguards--beyond which the Huguenots could not escape
without running the risk of the prison, the galley, or the gibbet.

The intendants throughout the kingdom flattered Louis XIV., and Louis
XIV. flattered himself, that the Huguenots had either been converted,
extirpated, or expelled the kingdom. The King had medals struck,
announcing the "_extinction of heresy_." A proclamation to this effect
was also published by the King, dated the 8th of March, 1715,
declaring the entire conversion of the French Huguenots, and
sentencing those who, after that date, relapsed from Catholicism to
Protestantism, to all the penalties of heresy.

What, then, had become of the Huguenots? They were for the moment
prostrate, but their life had not gone out of them. Many were no doubt
"converted." They had not strength to resist the pains and penalties
threatened by the State if they refused. They accordingly attended
Mass, and assisted in ceremonies which at heart they detested. Though
they blushed at their apostasy, they were too much broken down and
weary of oppression and suffering to attempt to be free.

But though many Huguenots pretended to be "converted," the greater
number silently refrained. They held their peace and bided their time.
Meanwhile, however, they were subject to all the annoyances of
persecution. Persecution had seized them from the day of their birth,
and never relaxed its hold until the day of their death. Every
new-born child must be taken to the priest to be baptized. When the
children had grown into boys and girls, they must go to school and be
educated, also by the priest. If their parents refused to send them,
the children were forcibly seized, taken away, and brought up in the
Jesuit schools and nunneries. And lastly, when grown up into young men
and women, they must be married by the priest, or their offspring be
declared illegitimate.

The Huguenots refused to conform to all this. Nevertheless, it was by
no means easy to continue to refuse obeying the priest. The priest was
well served with spies, though the principal spy in every parish was
himself. There were also numerous other professional spies--besides
idlers, mischief-makers, and "good-natured friends." In time of peace,
also, soldiers were usually employed in performing the disgraceful
duty of acting as spies upon the Huguenots.

The Huguenot was ordered to attend Mass under the penalty of fine and
imprisonment. Supposing he refused, because he did not believe that
the priest had the miraculous power of converting bread and wine into
something the very opposite. The priest insisted that he did possess
this power, and that he was supported by the State in demanding that
the Huguenot _must_ come and worship his transubstantiation of bread
into flesh and wine into blood. "I do not believe it," said the
Huguenot. "But I _order_ you to come, for Louis XIV. has proclaimed
you to be a converted Catholic, and if you refuse you will be at once
subject to all the penalties of heresy." It was certainly very
difficult to argue with a priest who had the hangman at his back, or
with the King who had his hundred thousand dragoons. And so, perhaps,
the threatened Huguenot went to Mass, and pretended to believe all
that the priest had said about his miraculous powers.

But many resolutely continued to refuse, willing to incur the last and
heaviest penalties. Then it came to be seen that Protestantism,
although, declared defunct by the King's edict, had not in fact expired,
but was merely reposing for a time in order to make a fresh start
forward. The Huguenots who still remained in France, whether as "new
converts" or as "obstinate heretics," at length began to emerge from
their obscurity. They met together in caves and solitary places--in deep
and rocky gorges--in valleys among the mountains--where they prayed
together, sang together their songs of David, and took counsel one with
another.

At length, from private meetings for prayer, religious assemblies
began to be held in the Desert, and preachers made their appearance.
The spies spread about the country informed the intendants. The
meetings were often surprised by the military. Sometimes the soldiers
would come upon them suddenly, and fire into the crowd of men, women,
and children. On some occasions a hundred persons or more would be
killed upon the spot. Of those taken prisoners, the preachers were
hanged or broken on the wheel, the women were sent to prison, and the
children, to nunneries, while the men were sent to be galley-slaves
for life.[46]

         [Footnote 46: In the Viverais and elsewhere they sang the
         song of the persecuted Church:--

                "Nos filles dans les monastères,
                 Nos prisonniers dans les cachots.
             Nos martyrs dont le sang se répand à grands flots,
                 Nos confesseurs sur les galères,
                 Nos malades persécutés,
             Nos mourants exposés à plus d'une furie,
                 Nos morts traînés à la voierie,
                 Te disent (ô Dieu!) nos calamités."]

The persecutions to which Huguenot women and children were exposed
caused a sudden enlargement of all the prisons and nunneries in
France. Many of the old castles were fitted up as gaols, and even
their dungeons were used for the incorrigible heretics. One of the
worst of these was the Tour de Constance in the town of Aiguesmortes,
which is to this day remembered with horror as the principal dungeon
of the Huguenot women.

The town of Aiguesmortes is situated in the department of Gard, close
to the Mediterranean, whose waters wash into the salt marshes and
lagunes by which it is surrounded. It was erected in the thirteenth
century for Philip the Bold, and is still interesting as an example of
the ancient feudal fortress. The fosse has since been filled up, on
account of the malaria produced by the stagnant water which it
contained.

The place is approached by a long causeway raised above the marsh, and
the entrance to the tower is spanned by an ancient gatehouse. In
advance of the tower, to the north, in an angle of the wall, is a
single, large round tower, which served as a citadel. It is sixty-six
feet in diameter and ninety feet high, surmounted by a lighthouse
turret of thirty-four feet. It consists of two large vaulted
apartments, the staircase from the one to the other being built within
the wall itself, which is about eighteen feet thick. The upper chamber
is dimly lighted by narrow chinks through the walls. The lowest of the
apartments is the dungeon, which is almost without light and air. In
the centre of the floor is a hole connected with a reservoir of water
below.

This Tour de Constance continued to be the principal prison for
Huguenot women in France for a period of about a hundred years. It was
always horribly unhealthy; and to be condemned to this dungeon was
considered almost as certain though a slower death than to be
condemned to the gallows. Sixteen Huguenot women confined there in
1686 died within five months. Most of them were the wives of merchants
of Nismes, or of men of property in the district. When the prisoners
died off, the dungeon was at once filled up again with more victims,
and it was rarely, if ever, empty, down to a period within only a few
years before the outbreak of the French Revolution.

The punishment of the men found attending religious meetings, and
taken prisoners by the soldiers, was to be sentenced to the galleys,
mostly for life. They were usually collected in large numbers, and
sent to the seaports attached together by chains. They were sent
openly, sometimes through the entire length of the kingdom, by way of
a show. The object was to teach the horrible delinquency of professing
Protestantism; for it could not be to show the greater beautifulness
and mercifulness of Catholicism.

The punishment of the Chain varied in degree. Sometimes it was more
cruel than at other times. This depended upon the drivers of the
prisoners. Marteilhe describes the punishment during his conveyance
from Havre to Marseilles in the winter of 1712.[47] The Chain to which
he belonged did not reach Marseilles until the 17th January, 1713. The
season was bitterly cold; but that made no difference in the treatment
of Huguenot prisoners.

         [Footnote 47: "Autobiography of a French Protestant condemned
         to the Galleys because of his Religion." Rotterdam, 1757.
         (Since reprinted by the Religious Tract Society.)]

The Chain consisted of a file of prisoners, chained one to another in
various ways. On this occasion, each pair was fastened by the neck
with a thick chain three feet long, in the middle of which was a round
ring. After being thus chained, the pairs were placed in file, couple
behind couple, when another long thick chain was passed through the
rings, thus running along the centre of the gang, and the whole were
thus doubly-chained together. There were no less than four hundred
prisoners in the chain described by Marteilhe. The number had,
however, greatly fallen off through deaths by barbarous treatment
before it reached Marseilles.

It must, however, be added, that the whole gang did not consist of
Huguenots, but only a part of it--the Huguenots being distinguished by
their red jackets. The rest consisted of murderers, thieves,
deserters, and criminals of various sorts.

The difficulty which the prisoners had in marching along the roads was
very great; the weight of chain which each member had to carry being
no less than one hundred and fifty pounds. The lodging they had at
night was of the worst description. While at Paris, the galley-slaves
were quartered in the Château de la Tournelle, which was under the
spiritual direction of the Jesuits. The gaol consisted of a large
cellar or dungeon, fitted with huge beams of oak fixed close to the
floor. Thick iron collars were attached by iron chains to the beams.
The collar being placed round the prisoner's neck, it was closed and
riveted upon an anvil with heavy blows of a hammer.

Twenty men in pairs were thus chained to each beam. The dungeon was so
large that five hundred men could thus be fastened up. They could not
sleep lying at full length, nor could they sleep sitting or standing
up straight; the beam to which they were chained being too high in the
one case and too low in the other. The torture which they endured,
therefore, is scarcely to be described. The prisoners were kept there
until a sufficient number could be collected to set out in a great
chain for Marseilles.

When they arrived at the first stage out of Paris, at Charenton, after
a heavy day's fatigue, their lodging was no better than before. A
stable was found in which they were chained up in such a way that they
could with difficulty sit down, and then only on a dung-heap. After
they had lain there for a few hours, the prisoners' chains were taken
off, and they were turned out into the spacious courtyard of the inn,
where they were ordered to strip off their clothes, put them down at
their feet, and march over to the other side of the courtyard.

The object of this proceeding was to search the pockets of the
prisoners, examine their clothes, and find whether they contained any
knives, files, or other tools which might be used for cutting the
chains. All money and other valuables or necessaries that the clothes
contained were at the same time taken away.

The night was cold and frosty, with a keen north wind blowing; and
after the prisoners had been exposed to it for about half an hour,
their bodies became so benumbed that they could scarcely move across
the yard to where their clothes were lying. Next morning it was found
that eighteen of the unfortunates were happily released by death.

It is not necessary to describe the tortures endured by the
galley-slaves to the end of their journey. One little circumstance
may, however, be mentioned. While marching towards the coast, the
exhausted Huguenots, weary and worn out by the heaviness of their
chains, were accustomed to stretch out their little wooden cups for a
drop of water to the inhabitants of the villages through which they
passed. The women, whom they mostly addressed, answered their
entreaties with the bitterest spite. "Away, away!" they cried; "you
are going where you will have _water enough_!"

When the gang or chain reached the port at which the prisoners were to
be confined, they were drafted on board the different galleys. These
were for the most part stationed at Toulon, but there were also other
galleys in which Huguenots were imprisoned--at Marseilles, Dunkirk,
Brest, St. Malo, and Bordeaux. Let us briefly describe the galley of
those days.

The royal galley was about a hundred and fifty feet long and forty feet
broad, and was capable of containing about five hundred men. It had
fifty benches for rowers, twenty-five on each side. Between these two
rows of benches was the raised middle gallery, commonly called the waist
of the ship, four feet high and about three or four feet broad. The oars
were fifty feet long, of which thirty-seven feet were outside the ship
and thirteen within. Six men worked at each oar, all chained to the same
bench. They had to row in unison, otherwise they would be heavily struck
by the return rowers both before and behind them. They were under the
constant command of the _comite_ or galley-slave-driver, who struck all
about him with his long whip in urging them to work. To enable his
strokes to _tell_, the men sat naked while they rowed.[48] Their dress
was always insufficient, summer and winter--the lower part of their
bodies being covered with a short red jacket and a sort of apron, for
their manacles prevented them wearing any other dress.

         [Footnote 48: Le comite ou chef de chiourme, aidé de deux
         _sous-comites_, allait et venait sans cesse sur le coursier,
         frappant les forçats à coup de nerfs de boeuf, comme un
         cocher ses chevaux. Pour rendre les coups plus sensible et
         pour économiser les vêtements, _les galériens étaient nus_
         quand ils ramaient.--ATHANASE COQUEREL FILS. _Les Forçats
         pour la Foi_, 64.]

The chain which bound each rower to his bench was fastened to his leg,
and was of such a length as to enable his feet to come and go whilst
rowing. At night, the galley-slave slept where he sat--on the bench on
which he had been rowing all day. There was no room for him to lie
down. He never quitted his bench except for the hospital or the grave;
yet some of the Huguenot rowers contrived to live upon their benches
for thirty or forty years!

During all these years they toiled in their chains in a hell of foul
and disgusting utterance, for they were mixed up with thieves and the
worst of criminals. They ate the bread and drank the waters of
bitterness. They seemed to be forsaken by the world. They had no one
to love them, for most had left their families behind them at home, or
perhaps in convents or prisons. They lived under the constant threats
of their keepers, who lashed them to make them row harder, who lashed
them to make them sit up, or lashed them to make them lie down. The
Chevalier Langeron, captain of _La Palme_, of which Marteilhe was at
first a rower, used to call the _comite_ to him and say, "Go and
refresh the backs of these Huguenots with a salad of strokes of the
whip." For the captain, it seems, "held the most Jesuitical
sentiments," and hated his Huguenot prisoners far worse than his
thieves or his murderers.[49]